CHAPTER XIII.
REMOVE TO PORT HUDSON - INCREASE OF SICKNESS - APPEARANCE OF THE FORTIFICATIONS - THE 19TH ARMY CORPS AND THE NEGROES - VOYAGE TO CARROLLTON - BESET BY PEDDLERS, AND WHAT WE DID ABOUT IT - NEW ORLEANS - SALUTARY EFFECTS OF GEN. BUTLER'S RULE IN THE CITY - HOW HE ADMINISTERED MARTIAL LAW - INCIDENT OF THE SLAVE MARKET - MAJOR-GENERAL N. P. BANKS - THE LABOR SYSTEM AND THE NEGROES - EXPEDITION TO MORGANZIA - CAPTURE OF LIEUTENANT-COLONEL J. B. LEAKE AND HIS COMMAND BY THE REBELS - RETURN OF THE DIVISION TO NEW ORLEANS.
The army under Gen. GRANT having now accomplished its mission by the capture of all the enemy's strong-holds on the Mississippi, and the successive defeats of their armies at all points within the region of country bordering on that stream, was broken up and distributed in other Departments. The gloom which had been resting upon the loyal mind in consequence of previous disasters at other points, was now being dispelled by a series of brilliant victories; already, since the beginning of July, three important contests had transpired - Vicksburg, Gettysburg, and Helena - in all of which the rebel armies had. met with crushing defeats. In common with our loyal fellow-citizens at home, we therefore now felt more
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hopeful of the future - believing the day of final success was foreshadowed in these triumphs to our arms.
The 13th army corps, to which the Army of the Frontier had been assigned, was transferred to the Department of the Gulf, and ordered to report to Major-General N. P. BANKS, at Port Hudson. This change, as it necessarily separated us from our comrades of the Army of the Tennessee, and instead of moving northward would render necessary a further advance into a country teeming with sickness, at a season of the year when fevers were most fatal, we looked upon as particularly unfortunate. Already, since our arrival at Vicksburg, and during our more recent campaign among the swamps and bayous of the Yazoo, sickness had spread to an alarming extent, and fears of a general prostration were being seriously entertained.
We embarked on board the steamer Iatan at sunset, July 24th, and moved down to Warrenton, where the boat landed to await the arrival of the remaining portion of the corps, who had not yet left Vicksburg. Early on the following morning, however, they arrived, when the vessels composing the fleet all moved off simultaneously. The fleet consisted of thirteen large steamers, under convoy of three gunboats. Gen. HERRON having previously gone to New Orleans, our division was now under command of Gen. VANDEVER - Major-General E. O. C. ORD commanding the Corps. We passed Natchez at 3 o'clock P. M. of the same day, reaching Port Hudson at half past
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3 o'clock next morning being a distance of 250 miles below Vicksburg.
We remained on board the transports at the landing until July 31st, when we disembarked and moved into camp about one and a half miles from the river, on the site of an abandoned sugar plantation.
In addition to the gloomy circumstances attending the universal sickness and misery surrounding us, we were still further annoyed by a total absence of facilities for giving proper care to the burial of our dead. It was bad enough, we thought, to see our comrades die far from home, with no tender attentions from relatives to smooth their hours of pain and suffering while sinking under the effects of burning fevers, but to be compelled to see them buried without coffins - as many in other regiments were - was an outrage on the part of our commanding generals which yet demands explanation or apology. The following incident may serve as an illustration.
STEPHEN THOMPSON, of company E, 20th Iowa, died suddenly of typhoid fever on the 27th of August, 1863. His comrades made diligent efforts to procure lumber sufficient to build a coffin, but without success. None could be found either on shore or any of the transports, except one, and this the commander of the vessel refused to let them take for the purpose. Determined that a man of our regiment should not be buried coffinless, we repaired to the headquarters of Brig. Gen. ORME, temporarily in command of the division, and after explaining the matter received the following carte blanche order:
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HEADQUARTERS ORME'S BRIGADE, Steamer DesArc, July 28, 1863.
The bearer, Capt. C. BARNEY, of the 20th Iowa Vols. is hereby given permission to take such lumber and material as he may need, wherever it may be found, for the purpose of building a coffin for a deceased soldier.
By order of
H. BURR, A. A. G. BRIG. GEN. ORME.
Returning to the boat on which the lumber was stored with a squad of men competent if need be to secure by force what the ungentlemanly commander had previously refused, we exhibited the order and informed him that if the lumber was not immediately produced we should proceed to tear up his cabin floor. We almost regretted his prompt compliance, as it defeated a strong desire we felt to demolish the boat in consequence of his previous refusal.
Our sick list continued to increase daily, until there was not a sufficient number of men able for duty to fill details for guard and hold our usual dress-parades. Company and battalion drills were likewise partially suspended. Other regiments of our division were equally as unfortunate in this respect, and scores of men were now buried daily.
We were much annoyed by insects, whose stings and bites inflamed our flesh, and materially added to our discomfort; several of our men were bitten while lying in their tents by a large species of black spider, (very similar in appearance to the Tarantula of Mexico),
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which was so poisonous as to produce delirium, and required the immediate attention of a surgeon to prevent death; its effects usually lasted several days. Our constant annoyance, however, was the musquitoes, which swarmed about us in myriads, and gave us no rest day or night, some of them so large, it was asserted, that "they could stand fiat-footed and drink out of a tin-cup." The locality also abounded with poisonous reptiles - rattle-snakes, copperhead snakes, moccasin snakes, scorpions and lizzards - which found their way into our tents during the night, and sometimes, on rising in the morning, were discovered secreted among our bedding. On the west side of the camp, also, and near by, was a bayou filled with stagnant water, in which was discovered large numbers of alligators, and our men passed much of their time in killing them.
The enemy's works around Port Hudson, in point of strength, were so far inferior to those at Vicksburg, as to create much surprise among us. We had expected, from accounts current previous to its capture, and the protracted siege, to find a place equally as strong as Vicksburg, and were consequently much disappointed when we visited the works. The defences consisted of a succession of redoubts and rifle pits, which extended along the river front some six hundred yards with batteries at intervals facing the river - some of the guns being mounted en barbette, with casemates. On the east was a bayou defended by rifle pits and abattis, and in
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rear a succession of small earthworks, which were continued at intervals around on the west side to the river.
We learned that the heaviest fighting, previous to its capture, was by the negro troops, many of whom were then encamped in the vicinity. This very materially disparaged the valor of the 19th corps in our estimation, who were the only white troops participating with the negroes in its capture, and were likewise encamped in and about the works. To this circumstance may be attributed the fact that during our services in that department a feeling of superiority was entertained by many of our men over soldiers of the 19th, which amounted finally to positive hostility between the two army corps, and was the occasion afterwards of many rencounters between small parties in the streets of New Orleans, and elsewhere. This feeling, however, among the officers did not assume so belligerent a shape, but still manifested itself at times by taunts and a studied coolness when parties of the two corps happened to meet in the street-cars or restaurants of the city.
We remained at Port Hudson until the 16th of August, when we embarked on board the steamship Crescent. After a pleasant voyage of 180 miles, we landed at Carrollton, La., at 4 o'clock on the following morning, and during the forenoon went into camp in a beautiful live-oak grove about one mile east of the town, and five miles west of the city of New Orleans. This camp was named "Champ de Mars," where the entire
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13th army corps, under Gen. E. O. C. ORD, of which our division formed part, was encamped.
Immediately on landing, we were beset by a host of peddlers - young and old, black, white, yellow, and some a compound of all shades of colors - talking in almost all languages, and gesticulating with such energy as won our admiration and patronage. The provisions in their baskets, which they wished to dispose of, consisted of boiled sweet potatoes, cold boi led meat, pies, boiled eggs, bread, cakes, mush, hash, pigs feet, oranges, bananas, and mineral water bottles filled with beer; the provisions looked clean and well cooked, and our division having been so long confined to army rations, to use a modern expression, "went for them," with such eagerness as to soon exhaust the stock. Some of the men, however, having no money were under the necessity of resorting to the established custom in such cases - taking them by force - which met the decided disapproval of the venders, who departed, with threats of vengeance, to inform the provost guard and have them arrested. But as the provost guard was known to belong to the 19th army corps the threat excited no fears.
New Orleans, since its occupation by Gen.'BUTLER, had undergone a great change. Previously it had been conspicuous as one of the most sickly as well as filthiest cities in the union, but now, owing to his admirable system of drainage, and sanitary regulations, no more healthy or cleanly place could be found in the south. The streets were all paved with flat stones, dressed smooth
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and jointed together as evenly as a floor. They were washed daily by men employed for that purpose, and kept cool by continual sprinkling. Very few cases of yellow fever had occurred since the inauguration of these sanitary measures, and many among the more ignorant classes believed this disease was expelled by the presence of the "Yankees."
On visiting the city our attention was first attracted to the peculiar and odd names borne by the streets, some of which were positively unpronouncable except by a native, and, in fact, they all seemed ill-chosen. For instance, there was in the principal portion of the city, "St. John the Baptist," " Religious," "Tehoupitoulas," "Great Men," "Good Children," "Poydras," and "Terpsichore."
I one day met Geo. H. Vinton, Esq., in the street, a gentleman with whom I had been very intimately acquainted some years previously, when we were both engaged in the same printing office in the city. He invited me to accompany him to his place of business, a "Printers' Warehouse," on Poydras street, where he gave me the following account of his business complications and troubles since the commencement of the war.
Since my acquaintance with him in 1841, he had become the agent of Bruce's New York Type Foundry, and in 1850 had opened a large establishment in New Orleans where he was doing a good business on the breaking out of the war. Fearing his establishment would share the fate of other property owned by northern
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men in the city, which was all being confiscated, he attempted to shield it by making a handsome contribution in money to the confederate cause, and allowing his eldest son to join the rebel army. This, together with the fact that
his wife belonged to a wealthy Creole family, who were among the most rabid secessionists in New Orleans, he hoped would secure the establishment against seizure. But in this he was disappointed. On repairing to his store as usual one morning, he found it in possession of a squad of confederate soldiers. He then hastened to the authorities and complained, but instead of receiving redress was himself arrested as a northern sympathizer. However, through the influence of his wife's friends he was soon released, and permitted to take possession of his establishment after paying its estimated value in confederate money. This generosity on the part of the authorities arose from the fact that they could find no other means of disposing of the material to advantage, as printers' stock was at that time in very little demand in the south. He now supposed his troubles were over in this affair, but as no business in his line could be done till the war closed, and there was no security for property in the city against the lawless mobs whom the authorities could not restrain, he closed his store and remained at home. In a very short time, however, Gen. BUTLER captured the city, and, in common with all the other citizens, Mr. Vinton was called upon to give an account of his relations with the confederate government. On learning of his liberal donations
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to the support of that cause, Gen. BUTLER also seized the establishment, but on investigation finding that it was owned in New York, released it after compelling the unfortunate agent to pay to the support of the federal government a still larger sum of money in gold than had been paid to the confederate. These successive levies left him but little money, yet he admitted that Gen. BUTLER'S course was a just punishment for his seeming sympathies with the rebellion.
This gentleman also detailed many interesting facts in relation to events which transpired just previous and subsequent to Gen. BUTLER'S occupation of the city. All the wealthy men of the place, with but few exceptions, were supporters of the rebellion; while a large majority of the poor, and middling classes, were either neutral or opposed to it. The latter classes, however, were forced into the army, and left the city entirely under the control of the former, who managed affairs in any manner which promised the best advancement of their own interests. The merchants put in circulation large amounts of local currency - each issuing bills of small denominations, purporting to be redeemable in gold by the party issuing it on demand - which was given out as change to the families of those who were absent in the army and others; but many refusing at first to receive it, an ordinance was passed by the city council making any refusal to take this trash a crime, which might be punished by fine and imprisonment. By this means, (as there was no clause in the law by which the issuing party
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could be forced to redeem) the city was soon flooded with this worthless currency.
On assuming command of the city, Gen. BUTLER "mastered the situation" in a manner peculiar to his style of administration - at once simple and straight-forward - by issuing an order that all who had put it into circulation should at once redeem in accordance with the promise borne on the face of the note - in gold - and making a refusal to do so punishable by arrest, imprisonment, and seizure of property sufficient to cover the whole amount of the person's liabilities in the issue. The order was complied with, and resulted in securing to the General the confidence of all the poor class of people in the city, who were ever afterwards his warm friends and supporters. By gaining their friendship Gen. BUTLER was enabled to establish a searching and thorough system of espionage over the wealthy planters in the vicinity, as well as influential citizens, and any violation of his orders was at once reported. He therefore held the inhabitants in the most complete subjection, as any act of hostility, or even meditation of such an act, was promptly followed by arrest, and punishment at his discretion. He was at once judge, jury and executioner, and seldom permitted any treasonable act or expression to escape prompt punishment.
In a very short time the prisons in the city were filled by these arrests, and it became necessary that a military tribunal for the trial of political offenders should be established. This was done at once, and immediately on
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conviction the prisoners were sent off to Ship Island, where they underwent such punishment as was awarded by the tribunal. For a short time after the establishment of this tribunal, a line of steamers was required to convey the prisoners to the Island, and accommodate their friends - who were allowed to visit them under proper restrictions.
Under these and other stringent measures adopted by Gen. BUTLER, and his untiring vigilance in seeking out and arresting offenders, disloyalty soon disappeared.
So many changes having taken place in the city, I one day gratified my curiosity by visiting the old slave-pen, which was formerly located in the vicinity of the ship landing, at a place called "Bull's Head." I found the building now occupied by Capt. ARMSTRONG, as a depot for commissary stores, but had undergone many alterations since my previous residence in New Orleans. Then, it was in its primitive glory, and under full operation - constantly crowded by the unfortunate victims in whose traffic men were engaged just as men are engaged in cattle-yards at the north. Now, where formerly stood the platform on which these human cattle were exposed for sale to the highest bidder, sat Capt. A. and his clerks, making up returns and filling requisitions for rations for the subsistence of men engaged in the holy work of uprooting this worst of all evils, which had so long cursed our land.
While here a circumstance recurred to my mind which took place some years before, and first attracted
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my attention to the evils of slavery. It was on a Sabbath morning early in the spring of 1842, when in company with the son of a wealthy planter, who had come to the city for the purpose of purchasing a few field hands, I rode out Tchoupitoulas street to this slave-pen. There happened to be but few of the "chattels" up for sale on that day, but in walking about the yard we observed a fine intelligent looking mulatto man and his wife sitting beside one of the stalls in an obscure corner. The man was fastened by a chain attached to a ring in the floor, and seemed much dejected; as we passed by, however, he raised his eyes to us, in which we could read the misery and despair of the mind within. The woman held a very young child in her arms, over which she was bending, with sobs and piteous moans. The sight of the group occasioned in my mind a feeling of compassion, and I suggested to my friend that perhaps he could buy them. But after looking at them a few moments he turned away, saying that the man and woman "were too light - would'nt do for sugar." Looking at them again, after walking a few steps, he burst out in a hearty laugh, and said that "if he should take such a couple as that back to the plantation, encumbered with a brat also, his old gov'nor would shoot the whole pile of them, and him, to-boot."
Soon afterwards 10 o'clock struck, and a few purchasers coming in, the sales commenced. The first "chattel" offered was a corpulent old darkey, who had probably underwent the same operation every spring f'or
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the past fifty years, and he bustled up on the platform in a peculiarly business-like manner. Getting into position, he straightened himself up, looked at the crowd with a smile which disclosed the loss of nearly all his front teeth, and opened proceedings by saying "heah I is, gemman - he-aw, he-aw, he-aw." A customer then stepped up, felt his arms, legs and head, looked into his mouth, and ordered him to strip. While this was going on the darkey kept up a running commentary - "recon dat arm's good 'nuff fur enny gemman" - "dem legs' dun some totin' in dere day;" - "spec I loss a few teef, but de gum's soun' 'nuff." The customer, after a close inspection, offered eight hundred dollars, which met the decided disapproval of the old darkey, who declared that he had never sold for less than a thousand, but much to his mortification he was finally "knocked down" at that price, no other bidder being found.
The mulatto and his wife were then put up - the man first - when a spirited bidding at once commenced. The woman, in the meantime, summoning sufficient courage to beseech each bidder in turn to include herself and child in his purchase. But as field-hands were now in chief demand, very little attention was paid to her entreaties, especially as she was encumbered with what they termed a "d__d little brat." The man was finally disposed of at a very high price, and the woman called to the stand. She was ordered to relinquish the child to one of the attendants of the institution, but instead of obeying clutched it more closely in her arms.
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The child was then pulled violently from her, and she was forced upon the stand, where she fell fainting on the floor. This proved a happy relief, and saved her the agony of seeing what followed. The proceedings thus far seemed to awaken a spark of compassion in the breast of the man who was offering her for sale, and it found vent in an oath that the "woman and brat should be sold together." They were accordingly bought by the proprietor of a restaurant - a burly Irishman - who, however, on completing his purchase at once offered to sell the "dommed brat" for the sum of five dollars. His offer was responded to by a rough looking customer, who seemed to look upon the affair as a pretty fair joke, and who came forward, amid a general bust of merriment, caught the child roughly by one of its legs, and left - carrying it as a man usually carries a dressed turkey or chicken.
I hastened away from that "pen" a confirmed abolitionist, and never afterwards ventured to revisit a slave-auction. The feeling of hatred engendered towards the traffic in slaves in my mind, by this scene, was never obliterated, and has often stimulated me while in presence of those battling for the perpetuation of the institution. I derived much pleasure now in knowing that this foul blot upon our national escutcheon had at length been washed away forever, and left the place with feelings of relief.
General BANKS succeeded Gen. BUTLER in command of the Department, and continued the sanitary regula-
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tions inaugurated by his predecessor in the city, but adopted a different policy of government toward the citizens - hoping to win by mild treatment and diplomacy what had with difficulty been previously secured by harshness and force. The change was accepted by the people with sullen indifference from the fact that they still remained under military restraint, and although not constantly liable to arrest for trivial offences, were nevertheless compelled to act and speak with loyalty to the government. Compliance with this latter requirement, while the great majority of them were rebels in sentiment, was more humiliating than even Gen. BUTLER'S harshness. Places of amusement, which were closed by order of Gen. BUTLER, were again thrown open, and the order requiring all citizens to be at their homes at dark, and extinguish their lights at 9 o'clock in the evening, was countermanded, and was succeeded by public concerts at "Jackson Square" and "Clay's Monument," by brass bands, under orders from Gen. BANKS.
Although Gen. BANKS signally failed, as a military leader, to meet the expectations of the country, yet as a statesman he possessed abilities of the highest order, and when his acts as a civil ruler, in organizing and putting into operation the machinery of the State Government, can be viewed, disconnected from his military operations, they challenge our admiration. When he assumed command of the Department of the Gulf, no steps had as yet been taken to provide for the disposal of the multitudes of slaves set free by confiscation and otherwise,
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who had abandoned the plantations and hurried into the city, where they lounged about the streets in idleness. Many of the plantations thus deprived of their services, were no longer cultivated, and already murmurs of discontent were beginning to. be heard from the planters because they had lost their slaves, and from the citizens because the city was overrun by multitudes of negroes without other means of providing for their necessities than by begging or stealing. This evil was at once met and corrected by the salutary effects of the "labor system," by which all negroes unemployed were seized by the authorities, and either sent to labor on the plantations at a small salary, or conscripted in the army - the choice between the two being left with the negroes themselves.
When this policy was first inaugurated, it created a great panic among the negroes, who having once tasted the sweets of liberty, manifested much reluctance to again returning to labor. There was no alternative, however, except by volunteering, and the city was soon cleared of all the loungers.
The objection of the negroes to returning to labor on the plantations, however, may be accounted for from the fact they were now harder worked and fared much worse than under their previous masters. Many of the plantations, abandoned by their owners, had been seized by the government, and were now cultivated by men from the north who knew little of the manner of conducting a sugar plantation. Being eager to "make the business
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pay,"they required one negro to perform as much labor as was formerly done by three, allowing him the moderate remuneration of ten cents a day for his services. This sum being entirely inadequate for their support, added to ill-usage on the part of their employers, operated to disgust the negroes with their new-found freedom, and they deserted at every favorable opportunity - seeking safety by flight to the city, and sometimes within the rebel lines. The following reply of a field-hand, who had escaped the fetters of the old system of slavery and been for some time actively endeavoring to evade the hardships entailed by the new order of things, while it shows the ideas then entertained by these negroes generally as to the object of the war, illustrates their tact in argument. This colored gentleman was being importuned to enlist by another, who had already done so, when he suddenly said:
"Sam, did you eber see two dogs fitin' 'bout a bone?"
"Yes."
Well, an' did de bone fight?"
On the 29th of August our army was reviewed by Maj. Gens. GRANT and BANKS - the ceremony being attended with a spirited race between the horses on which these officers were mounted. For the information of those of my readers who may wish to know "who beat," I will say, Gen. Banks came out two lengths ahead!
On the 5th of September our division embarked on transports and proceeded up the river to disperse a force of rebels which had collected on the west side, below the
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mouth of Red River, and were seriously threatening the navigation of the Mississippi. We arrived at Morganzia on the 8th, where the division disembarked, and after marching about two miles from the river encountered the enemy's pickets and drove them in on the main body which was encamped on the road leading to the Atchafalaya, and who immediately commenced falling back. A brisk skirmish was kept up until they reached and crossed that stream, when we moved back and encamped at Morganzia on the 11th. On the following day Lt. Col. LEAKE of the 20th Iowa, was despatched in command of the 26th Indiana, 19th Iowa, and two pieces of light artillery, to establish a point of observation and feel the enemy in the direction of the crossing of the Atchafalaya. The enemy were again encountered in considerable force, and again, after a sharp engagement, driven across the river, when our detachment went into camp at "Sterling Farm," seven miles distant from the main body at Morganzia.
Here they remained, skirmishing with detachments of the enemy daily, until the 29th, when they were suddenly assailed by an overwhelming force of rebels, and captured before assistance could reach them from the main body.
From such imperfect accounts of this affair as could be obtained at the time, we learned that the enemy were 5000 strong, in three brigades, and commanded by Gen. Green; while our own forces did not exceed 500. Col. LEAKE, notwithstanding a battalion of cavalry were occupying an advanced position in the direction from which
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an attack - if one were made in force - was expected, appears to have been taken entirely by surprise; but the rebels completely avoided this force with their main body by approaching from an opposite point, thus interposing between the infantry and cavalry, by which the latter escaped capture. The whole affair, however, was shrouded in a mystery which, to the present time, has received no satisfactory explanation. The doubtful policy of placing this small force beyond supporting distance, and without means of speedy communication, was, at the time, severely criticized by officers of the division, as also the reported surprise of Col. LEAKE. If the attack, however, was unexpected by the latter, a sufficient explanation may be found in the fact that skirmishing was constantly going on between his own and the enemy's pickets, and the firing immediately preceding the main attack was probably no more severe on this than former occasions.
When the alarm was finally given our men sprung to their arms and met the enemy at one point with a bold front, driving them back. While successfully combatting this force, they were unexpectedly assailed in rear by another, which approached within a few yards before their presence was detected. Being absorbed by the fighting in front, Col. LEAKE on hearing them approach, supposing it was a portion of his own cavalry, turned about to give an order; seeing himself confronted, however, by the enemy on this side also, he deemed further resistance useless, and at once surrendered. The fight, although
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brief was sanguinary, and the rebel officers were reported as feeling much chagrined at the loss occasioned in the capture of this small force - being on their side 50 killed on the field, and 120 wounded.
The division re-embarked for Carrollton September 10th, where we landed on the following day - Major WM. G. THOMPSON now in command of our regiment.