The Prelude to War
It was supposed in Iowa that the virulent boiling of the political cauldron of 1860 would subside after the presidential election. The opinion prevailed that just as the North, having left its cause to the arbitrament of the ballot, would have acquiesced in the election of Breckenridge, strong as his pro-slavery professions were, had he been the legal choice of the voters, so the South for the same reason would now acquiesce in the election of Lincoln. "No trouble of a war-like character" was really anticipated. The wild and furious utterances of Southern sentiment were taken as the emanations of extremists who knew they must attain their ends, if at all, by quick, bold, audacious strokes. It was thought there was "a conservative element in that fiery mass of humanity" which would temper its conduct and render the threats of its agitators idle and vain.
This belief was destined to a short life. The course of events with each passing day more and more clearly pointed to the grim reality that there were those who sought a dissolution of the union in order that their own selfish schemes might prosper. The perception and consciousness of the growing danger began to stir the latent patriotism of men's hearts.
The Fairfield Ledger's Carrier's Address of January 1, 1861, tersely pictured the outward aspects of the Southern situation, but contained no hint that a serious meaning was yet attached to them. These were the lines:
|Ambitious leaders fain would tear
The bonds of union wide,
And lay in dust that fabric fair,
For which our fathers died;
For in the South a plot is laid
To urge disunion's threat,
And mad appeals are daily made
By Yancy, Toombs and Rhett.
The first week of the year brought so much alarm that on the evening of January 8th was held at Wells' Hall in Fairfield a union meeting for "consulting and expressing views on the subject of the present secession movement in the South." George Acheson was chosen president. Daniel Rider and Evan L. Craine were selected for vice presidents and R. C. Brown and J. A. McKemey for secretaries.
In assuming the duties of the chair Mr. Acheson made a short speech.
"I did not come here," he explained, "as the political friend of the president-elect, for it is well known in this community, and perhaps to all present, that I voted against him. I voted for his opponent--that statesman, Stephen A. Douglas--believing that the platform on which he stood--the doctrine of popular severeignty in the territories--was the only true solution of the vexed slavery question--and I think so yet. Neither, my friends, did I come here as a politician; but under the latter clause of the call for this meeting, I came as a lover of the constitution and the union--the constitution and the union as our fathers framed them."
The election of Abraham Lincoln as President of the United States, he asserted, "having been regular and constitutional, it is the duty of every loyal citizen to insist upon his inauguration into that office." With an eager hope that the calamity of civil war would be averted, he believed "the safest and surest way to prevent our excited brethren in the South from resorting to force is to prepare to meet them on that basis--the unarmed man invites attack, whilst he who is prepared to meet his adversary, by that very preparation keeps him at bay." Declaring that freedom of speech is "one of the dearest rights to free-men," he prayed for the coming of the time "when this great blessing may be enjoyed as securely in Boston and New Orleans as it is today in Iowa." In concluding he expressed the wish that they might "say to the world, calmly and dispassionately, but firmly, that we love with undying devotion the constitution and the union as our fathers framed them, and that we will love and defend them forever."
James F. Wilson, C. S. Clarke, Christian W. Slagle and William B. Littleton were named to formulate resolutions for consideration. After an interval, in which the Fairfield Brass Band rendered national airs and a choir sang Hail Columbia, Yankee Doodle and The Star Spangled Banner, this committee submitted the product of their conference:
Whereas, The peace of the nation and the propserity of the union is threatened by the action of certain citizens of the United States, who are disposed to set the laws and authority of the Government at defiance; and whereas, there is accumulating evidence from day to day of threatened resistance by force to the inauguration of the president-elect, thus throwing our Government into chaos and anarchy in defiance of the expressed will of the people; and whereas we are willing at all times to abide the verdict of the people at the ballot box, either state or national; therefore, be it
Resolved: 1st. That the existing state of public affairs requires a vigorous exercise of the power of the Government for the maintenance of its authority, and we believe it to be the duty of every loyal citizen to show his hand and array himself on the side of the friends of the constitution and union as our fathers framed them.
2d. That our government is based upon the theory that a majority acting under the constitution shall govern, and Abraham Lincoln having in a constitutional manner been chosen by the majority as President of the United States, his inauguration into that office ought to be maintained and insisted on by every citizen.
3d. That we are now and forever in favor of the union, its preservation and the maintenance of the rights of the states individually as well as collectively, and the present constitution of the United States, so long as it exists, ought to be respected by every citizen, and the authorities acting under it in obedience to its provisions should be supported by the people even to the resort of arms.
4th. That we feel assured that our brethren in the disaffected portion of our country look upon the citizens of the Northern states as cowards, and therefore the best way to prevent them from resorting to actual force is to be prepared to meet them on that basis.
5th. That any attempt on the part of a portion of the citizens of the United States to resist or in any manner to prevent the inauguration of Abraham Lincoln will be regarded as revolutionary and treasonable.
6th. That we are in favor of the constitution of the United States as it now exists, believing that its guarantees are sufficient to protect the interests of all sections.
7th. That we are not the enemies of any section and that we pronounce the charge of hostility on the part of the people of the North to the constitutional rights of the people of the South to be false and slanderous.
8th. That the gallant and patriotic conduct of Major Anderson meets our hearty approbation, and we declare should be supported by the Government.
The approval of "the resort of arms" to preserve the Union, the disclamation of Northern cowardice, the avowal of faith in the amplitude of the guarantees of the constitition "to protect the interests of all sections," severally elicited some discussion in which George Acheson, Col. James Thompson, Ward Lamson, C. W. Slagle, Wm. B. Littleton and J. F. Wilson participated. In the end these views were endorsed and adopted with the remainder of the report, in the phrasing of the committee.
Wm. B. Littleton propsed two resolutions:
Resolved, That the course pursued by the extremists, North and South, in regard to the subject of slavery (which we believe to be the main cause of the present crisis) meets with our unqualified disapprobation.
Resolved, That we believe civil war for the maintenance of the Government, should only be resorted to when all other, and more judicious means, have been exhausted.
These did not harmonize with the mood of the meeting. The first was voted down. The second was amended by the substitution of another offered by J. F. Wilson, which compressed the whole issue into a simple positive statement.
Resolved, That this Government must be sustained, and the Union must and shall be preserved, peaceably if they can, and forcibly if they must.
The utmost enthusiasm prevailed throughout the proceedings which ended with "three tremendous chears each, for General Jackson and the constitution and Union."
Locally there was not yet any clear recognition of the imminence of an armed conflict. Evey by the men best informed, though they must have had misgivings, it was only felt the Southern leaders were overbold and overconfident in playing what was characterized "the game of brag."
On the 2d of February a mass meeting assembled at Wells' Hall in response to an invitation addressed to "the citizens of Jefferson County who are in favor of a fair, just and immediate compromise of the slavery question in preference to a dissolution of the Union or Civil war." The terms of compromise to be considered were not stated. The call was signed by thirty-one citizens. It was publicly charged that among these were some who held that South Carolina had a right to secede, some who affirmed that the success of the republican party in and of itself was sufficent warrant for secession, some who asserted it was justifiable in the South to take possession of the capitol of the nation and to prevent the inauguration of Lincoln, some who had announced a willingness to join the forces of the South and aid in waging war against the Government, some who had advocated the divinity of the institution of human slavery, and some who had boasted of their good rifles and at what distances they could bring down an abolitionist. These charges, the indefiniteness of the proposal, and the agitation pervading the community, brought out a large attendance in which were represented wide differences of opinion.
The morning was chiefly devoted to effecting an organization. Bernhart Henn was chosen to preside over the deliberations. Henry Stoner and Horace Gaylord were selected for the vice presidents and I. D. Jones and W. B. Culbertson for the secretaries. Samuel Jacobs, C. W. Slagle, E. A. Harbour, Joseph Ball and Wm. B. Littleton were named as the committee on resolutions. Owen Bromley, securing recognition, in the course of his speech stated that he was opposed to compromising with traitors. This remark drew a rebuke from the chair. D. Sheward, called upon to speak, communicated his purpose to establish a democratic paper in Fairfield if he could get support enough. He favored compromise. He did not want war; but if that had to come, he wanted it to take place "right here." This address terminated the preliminary session.
The afternoon session opened with the reading of the resolutions by Samuel Jacobs.
Whereas, The American Union is now threatened with immediate dissolution; therefore, Resolved,
1st. That we are unalterably attached to the union of these states, endeared to us by the glorious memories of the past, and which has given us peace and prosperity at home, and respect, consideration and power throughout the world.
2d. That whilst no foreign enemy invites us to the ordeal of arms, and when we have treaties of peace, friendship and commerce with forty-seven independent nations of the world,--when distant Japan sends hither her ambassadors laden with peace offerings, and the great-grandson of George the Third, the heir apparent of England's royalty, makes a respectful pilgrimage to the tomb of Washington--we present to the world the deplorable spectacle of the foremost nation of them all trembling on the verge of financial ruin, and soon to become, perhaps, "a land rent with civil feuds, and drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood;"--even now, the states, North and South, are arming for the conflict.
3d. That we concur in the sentiments of Andrew Jackson, expressed in his farewell address, that "the constitution cannot be maintained, nor the Union preserved, in opposition to public feeling, by the mere execution of the coercive power confided to the general government. The foundation must be laid in the affections of the people, in the security it gives to life, liberty, property and character in every quarter of the country, and the fraternal attachment which the citizens of the several states bear to one another, as members of one political family,mutually contributing to promote the happiness of each other. Hence the citizens of every state should studiously avoid everything calculated to wound the sensibilities or offend the just pride of the people of other states; and they should frown upon every proceeding within their own borders likely to disturb the tranquilty of their political brethren in other portions of the Union."
4th. That we are in favor of the union of conservative men throughout the country, for the sake of the Union; and that we disclaim all party ties and platforms which stand in the way of the perpetuation of a union that shall guaranty to the several states thereof full and equal rights under the constitution--and this we believe to be the duty of all.
5th. That we hold it to be self-evident that unless there is a fair, just and prompt compromise of the slavery question, the process of dissolution cannot be arrested but that it will go on until there is a total and final severance between the free and the slave states; and thus believing, we regard those who protest that there shall be "no compromise"--"no concession," and who recommend the immediate employment of force against the seceding states, or the people thereof--as actual enemies of the Union--not indeed in motive, but such in reality and in effect.
6th. That whilst the people of neither section of the Union are faultless, the citizens and states of the North should place themselves right upon the record and right in fact before they think of going to war with their brethren of the South.
7th. That the fugitive slave law, and all other laws of Congress, should be obeyed, until they are amended or repealed, or decided to be unconstitutional by the appropriate judicial tribunal.
8th. That the Supreme Court of the United States is a tribunal erected by the Constitution itself as the legal and final interpreter of that instrument, in all those cases that are capable of assuming, and do actually assume, the character of suits at law, or in equity, and that the decision of that court should be obeyed by all good citizens of the United States and executed in good faith.
9th. That we are in favor of a just and reasonable compromise of the slavery question, to be consummated, if necessary, by such amendments to the Constitution of the United States as comport with the spirit in which that instrument was originally formed, and which shall be consistent with its principles.
10th. That while a large portion of the meeting, perhaps a majority, are decidely in favor of intrusting the people of the territories with the power to provide by laws for the admission or prohibition of slavery, yet for the sake of the Union, we are willing to accept the compromise measures offered in the United States Senate by John J. Crittenden, or the propositions of Stephen A. Douglas; and as the measures of adjustment, recommended by the "border states committee" seem most likely, in their substance, to receive the sanction of the present Congress, we do most respectfully and earnestly appeal to the senators and representatives in Congress, from Iowa, to give those measures their support--but not to the detriment of any other just and equitable measure of pacification which can be adopted, and which may be more satisfactory.
11th. That no semblance of dishonor should attach to those republican members of Congress, who in this terrible crisis, consent to a modification of their party platform in respect to slavery, but on the contrary, those who thus hold out the olive branch should be hailed as patriots and statesmen; because,
First. Although Abraham Lincoln has been constitutionally elected President and should be inaugurated and received as such by all sections of the country, yet he has been elected wholly by a majority of the people of the free states, against the solid electoral vote of the slave states.
Secondly. A majority of nearly one million of the American people cast their votes against Mr. Lincoln and his party platform.
Thirdly. The Supreme Court of the United States has decided that Congress has no constitutional power to interfere with slavery in the territories.
Fourthly. A modification of said party platform is believed to be necessary to keep even the border slave states in the Union.
12th. That the Union-loving citizens of those Southern states who have labored and still labor with devotion, courage and patriotism, to withhold their states from the vortex of secession, are entitled to the admiration and gratitude of the whole American people.
13th. That the redress of existing difficulties cannot be effected by crimination and recrimination, but the times demand forbearance of feeling, and the calm maintenance of the constitutional rights of every state and of every citizen, of whatever section.
14th. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the rights of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance ofour political faith depends.
15th. That to the union of the states this nation owes its unprecedented increase in population; its surprising development of material resources; its rapid augmentation of wealth; its happiness at home and its power abroad.
16th. That the course pursued by the extremists North and South in regard to the institution of slavery (which we believe to be the main cause of the present crisis) meets with our unqualified disapprobation.
The approval of these declarations meant, at least on the part of republicans, a repudiation or abandonment of fundamental party principles. By such course they would yield "that the federal constitution, the rights of the states, and the union of the states, must and shall be preserved." By such course they would accept "the new dogma that the constitution, of its own force, carries slavery into any or all of the territories of the United States." By such course they would deny "that the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom." By such course they would grant "the authority of Congress, of a territorial Legislature, or of any individual, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States." The two political faiths would combine no more than oil and water. Not all who were sincere and patriotic perceived at the time the irreconcilable difference.
The discussion turned at once upon individual beliefs. Alvin Turner inquired whether those who subscribed to the Chicago platform were to be allowed to vote. The chair's response in substance was, that if they considered that enunciation their ultimatum for a compromise, they were not entitled to vote. C. W. Slagle, defending his position, said that under such ruling he had no right to be there. Joseph Ball stated that he subscribed to the Chicago platform and that he was opposed to any concession to rebels that required a surrender of principles. Owen Bromley desired to know if his right to vote was recognized. The chair denied him the right and refused to entertain an appeal to the house from this decision. James F. Wilson explained his attitude. He was a "compromise man." There were traitors in the South in fact and in law. He would hang the leaders, but would grant amnesty to their misled followers, if they would lay down their arms, give up the property stolen from the general government and behave themselves. The chair called him to order and himself took the floor. He favored the Crittenden compromise, although he did not like any compromise that would establish a line of demarcation through the country. M. M. Bleakmore thought that as other gentlemen were permitted to present their ideas of a compromise, Mr. Wilson should also have the privilege. Charles Negus attended to meet men with certain sentiments, by that meaning men with courage to entertain a spirit of concession. Joseph Ball announced a determination to speak though all hell stood at his back. Col. James Thompson was in favor of compromising. There was no treason in advocating the principles of South Carolina. He did not want to shed his blood for the dirty, nasty quibble of letting niggers* go into the territories. The contention was brought to an unceremonious close by the chair promptly putting the formal questions on the reception and adoption of the report. C. W. Slagle without success attempted to present a minority report. The resolutions were declared adopted. Amid much confusion adjournment was effected.
[* Transcriber note: This term is copied verbatim from the source material and is representative of the language of the day; it is not intended to be a derogatory term, nor one inserted by this transcriber. -JS]
The rebuffs experienced in this meeting by those whose views were at variance with the purposes of its managers led to an open conference at night. This also was in Wells' Hall. Dr. C. S. Clarke accepted the position of chairman on the condition that no gag law should be applied and that free discussion should be allowed. W. W. Junkin was secretary. After an address by Owen Bromley on "the state of the country," A. R. Fulton, C. E. Noble and W. M. Clark were appointed to prepare an expression of the sense of the gathering in regard to the compromise meeting.
A. M. Scott offered this sentiment, which was approved:
Resolved, That it is no time to talk of compromise when treason and rebellion are stalking abroad in the land. In such a time, the only proper compromise is a good dose of "old hickory."
James F. Wilson, called upon to speak, denounced the Crittenden compromise, or any such base surrender of principles on the part of the republican party.
The committee submitted a report which was unanimously adopted. It defined the compromise meeting, "in the language of Colonel Thompson," one of its principal actors, as a "'democratic meeting'--used for democratic purposes--the extension of slavery and the policy of rule or ruin." In severe terms it arraigned Bernhart Henn. It declared him "entitled to the thanks of South Carolina traitors" for his enforcement of their maxim "'that the minority shall rule the majority;'" that "while professing to act without prejudice," he manifested throughout the entire proceedings, "the most bitter and uncompromising partisan spirit;" that, "in his action as presiding officer," he recognized and applied "the slave-driving opposition to the exercise of free speech;" that, "in deciding motions carried which were lost," in refusing to sustain motions from any save his partisan associates or to entertain appeals from his decisions, "he exhibited a perfect fitness to assist in advancing the work required by the interests of Southern rebels." It further asserted that the resolutions he declared adopted had been carried only by his decision, not by the votes of the persons present; and that they did "not embrace a fair expression of the sentiment" of the majority who "were opposed to any compromise which would be a sacrifice of principle."
A communication from Henry Stoner and Horace Gaylord was given to the public withdrawing "in justice to themselves" their names as vice presidents from the proceedings of the compromise meeting, for the reason that it "was not conducted according to parliamentary usage, and did not express the true sentiments of the people present, much less of the people of the county, and for the further reason that under the arbitrary and unprecedented rulings of the chairman, B. Henn, a large portion of the people present were 'gagged' down and not allowed to express their views."
C. W. Slagle read the resolutions which he and Joseph Ball had advocated in the committee and sought to present in a minority report to the compromise meeting:
Resolved, 4th. That we are opposed to any amendment of the Constitution of the United States which shall fix the institution of slavery upon the people of any state or territory beyond the power of the people of such state or territory, during the existence of either a state or territorial government, to eject said institution of slavery through their legally constituted authorities, and preserve their state or territory free, if they desire to do so.
5th. That the right of a state to secede from the Union is a doctrine not recognized by the Constitution of the United States.
6th. That the conduct of the seceeding states in their acts of secession, seizure of the property of the Government, and defiance of the laws, is either right or wrong. If right, they should be sustained; if wrong, they should be condemned. In the opinion of this meeting they are wrong.
Early in the month a portion of the citizens of Des Moines Township met at the Brick College "to consider the threatening dangers" of the country. Alexander Clark was chairman; Abraham Teter and Reuben Ellmaker were the clerks. These resolutions were offered and adopted:
Whereas, A portion of the states of our Federal Union have withdrawn; and Whereas, We believe that unless some compromise is effected other states will withdraw, thereby destroying our Government; and Whereas, We believe the dangers threatening our country is owing to a belief entertained by the people of the Southern states, that a growing majority of the North will eventually, either by an open violation, or misconstruction, or by an alteration of the Federal Constitution, deprive them of their rights as they now exist in Government, therefore,
Resolved, 1. That we are indebted to the union of the states for our great prosperity as a nation. That we believe a dissolution of our Government would bring upon all parts of our widely-extended country direful calamities; perhaps the worst evils that could befall us, civil war; and the entire destruction of our civil and religious liberties.
2. That as our fathers formed our Government by mutual concessions and compromise, we believe it is the duty of every patriot to make every reasonable concession to perpetuate it, therefore as a compromise, and for to move the question of slavery entirely from the halls of Congress, and to dispel from the minds of the people of the South the belief that we ever intend to, or even can deprive them of their rights in the Union, and to restore peace and harmony to the country, we are in favor of the amendments to the Constitution propsed by Senator Crittenden.
3. That we are opposed to any action of any of the states of the Union of a warlike nature, believing such action calculated to beget like action in the other sections of our country, and of adding fuel to the flame of excitement already burning too fiercely.
4. That we will discountenance all newspapers and periodicals that pursue a course calculated to keep up sectional strife; that we will by our influence and by our example and by our votes discountenance sectionalism in all its forms.
5. That we believe it is the duty of the Legislature of every state of this Union to repeal all laws which hinder the full and free operation of the fugitive slave law, believing such laws to be a violation of the compact that binds these states together.
6. That the union of these states can only be preserved by restoring the fraternal feeling that existed in the early days of the Republic; that the Union cannot be preserved by coercive measures on the part of the Federal Government.
7. That if such feeling cannot be restored as will enable us to live in peace and harmony, we are in favor of a mutual and peaceful separation, and of an amicable division of the public property.
8. That whilst we justify Major Anderson in removing the forces under his command to the most secure fort in Charleston harbor, we must condemn the spiking of the guns in the vacated fort as being eminently calculated to provoke an attack; that we utterly condemn as the greatest outrage the action of Southern states in taking possession of United States property.
9. That we will co-operate with all men independent of party ties who will unite with us in carrying out the foregoing views.
On February 7th, the seventy-seven citizens of the county addressed through Samuel R. Curtis a letter of thanks to John E. Bouligny, a congressman from Louisiana, for his "manly and bold declaration of devotion to the American Union" in the House of Representatives.
They wrote: You seem to understand us at the North, your people do not. We are their friends, but they think us enemies. Our principles are not understood at the South; we have been slandered and misrepresented. And these base slanders have been delivered by your people. They will not hear us, and if they do they will not believe us. We trust and hope that time and the unfolding of events will prove to them that under all circumstances and at all times we will respect and guard all their rights in the Union and under the Constitution. As reasonable men they cannot demand more, as just men we cannot grant less, and as honorable men we cannot grant more. We will, therefore, bide our time, until we are heard and understood, believing that then confidence, peace and good will will be restored, and our happy but now distracted country will renew her course of honor and glory.
In his acknowledgment of the compliment was an inspiration:
If they are lovers of this Union, as I doubt not they are, and devoted to the flag of our common country, then I accept most gratefully their sympathy. Under the stars and strips I was born and under them I hope to die.
About the middle of the month the citizens of Coalport and vicinity formally expressed their sentiments in regard to the "distracted state" of the country. N. Patch was made chairman and T. C. Evans secretary. Resolutions drafted by J. W. Planett, A. R. Pierce and T. C. Evans were discussed and adopted:
Whereas, Believing that the true issue between the North and the South is that of the equilibrium of representation, and that the extension or non-extension of slavery is only secondary to that of power, therefore,
Resolved, 1. That we deprecate the present efforts of some of our political partisans to raise up party strife on a sectional basis.
2. That in our opinion the Chicago platform embodies no principle or idea contrary to the Constitution of the United States, and in that belief we will stand by it as the exponent of the principles of the republican party.
3. That we look with approbation and pride on the firmness with which our representatives in Congress resist the aggressive demands of the South.
4. That secession is rebellion, and rebellion treason; and that it is the duty of the general Government to enforce the laws.
5. That if the republican party consent to pass any of the compromises offered by the South, it will merit the contempt of the civilized world.
6. That we are prepared, at whatever sacrifice it may require, to defend the Constitution of the United States as it is.
7. That any interference with the free navigation of the Mississippi River will not be tolerated by the Northwestern states.
8. That we consider the leaders of the Disunion movement as traitors, and that it would be dishonorable and cowardly to accept any compromise they offer.
A little later was published over the signature of Samuel Jacobs a defense of the "Union Meeting" which favored compromise. A few sentences will throw in relief his own mental attitude at least:
Personal and political considerations should be cast aside in the present extraordinary and appalling crisis. I hope democrats and republicans will cordially unite in a common effort to save the country from ruin. * * * There is yet time to compromise, thanks to the heroic states of Virginia, Kentucky and Tennessee, who have run up the flag of truce, and temporarily, at least, stopped the progress of dissolution, in the hope that an amicable adjustment can be made, satisfactory to all sections. Let us give the Union men of the South such a compromise as will enable them to defeat secession and anarchy in their respective states.
The issue to be faced was becoming clear. Secession was in the air. "Secession is treason. Those who talk about the rights of secession talk about the rights of traitors. The word secession is not so palpable and odious as that of traitor. It sounds better and does not smack of treason to the Government. No state has a right under our Constitution and laws to secede. It is treason--nothing less." Such was the character of the reasoning which appealed to the common mind. Under its leavening force, political uncertainty was ripening to pass away, and patriotism was budding to break into perfect flower.
When the news of the peaceful inauguration of Lincoln was received, there was a universal feeling of relief. It was a happy omen. In Fairfield there was a demonstration at night. Anvils were fired. The wide awakes turned out and paraded the streets to the strains of martial music. Congratulatory speeches were made at the courthouse by Alvin Turner, C. W. Slagle, J. F. Wilson, J. G. Kirkpatrick and A. M. Scott. In this hour of jubilation the curtain which concealed the future still hid the impending dangers.
The wise appealing words of the President's inaugural address allayed much prejudice. They were another element in unifying the North against the destruction plans of the maddened and determined South.
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