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INTRODUCTION.
How a nation grows; how from central points its population spreads itself
and forms new political communities; what may be the incentives that
prompt to removal, and the outcome of all attempts to turn to man’s
advantage the wilderness; all present to the interested person fruitful
themes for reflection. They, too, present the peculiarity of becoming ever
more interesting, the more they are studied; and the longer they are
critically viewed the more replete with suggestion are they found to be.
History, as such, cannot reproduce the life of a people in all the
infinite variety of its details; it must be content with exhibiting the
development of life as a whole. The doings and dealings, the thoughts and
imaginings of the individual, however strongly they may reflect the
characteristics of the national mind, form no part of history. While it
may be argued, and correctly, that the life of the individual is intimately
bound up in that of the state or nation, and that the former must
frequently be noticed in describing the latter, it may be argued, on the
other hand, that
the nation exists only through the unity of its individual members, and
that it is not the exact counterpart of individual views, but the results
of a harmonious and intelligent combination of opinions — often originally
directly
at variance with each other. No department of human action or thought
could long remain unaffected when opposing interests clash.
Change-certain far—reaching, radical—is written plainly on the face of
opposition—a change that affects not the individual, or a class of
individuals, but the united whole. It is this feature that renders history
possible that places it far beyond the scope of mere biography, that
admits of those broad, deep, generalizations which men call laws, and
which are the very foundation stones of the philosophy of history, and
without which there can be no intelligent comprehension of the
development and sequence of events, and the results to which they lead.
What is true of the state is equally true of its separate parts. There are
no true laws that are of limited application. To be truly philosophical
deductions they should be general enough to warrant broad inferences and
specific enough to apply to the minutiae of the smallest political
subdivision. While, it is true, the history of a single county—embracing,
as it does, but a limited territory and a meager population—may present
none of those grander laws in obedience to which nations exist and
flourish, and by which their power is felt, nevertheless, those principles
which make history possible, are found in every community, and find a
harbor in every heart. Then there is the added fact, that the history of
the county comes nearer to the individual life and character of its
citizens than does that of the state, or of the nation of which the state
forms a part.
The spread of population merely, the political progress of a people and
the military annals, are a part only of our history, and that part which
is most easily discerned. The American of the present day wants to know
how his ancestors lived, how they looked, what clothes they wore, on what
they fed, what were their daily tasks and conversation, and how life dealt
with them. This is the most difficult part of history to reproduce
accurately, but it is after all that which gives us the clearest and most
vivid insight into the spirit of the past. This important element should
never be overlooked, for in no other manner can the intellectual growth of
the people, the amelioration of manners, the changes in habits and
customs, the advance in science and art, the progress of invention, the
relation of classes, the increase of prosperity, or the want of it, the
moral condition of society, and the every-day life of the people be
understood and made to subserve the interests of the present. The events
that are recorded are such as occurred at our very doors, were compassed
by men whom we know, and which affect our individual interests for woe or
for weal. It is not only while these events are fresh in the memory that
one may form accurate estimates of their relative importance, and he
impartial and candid in forming his judgments; but he may also from
present circumstances which have an origin in remote times, and which are
historical in the largest, fullest, truest sense, freed from myth, or
conjecture, or uncertain tradition, read the promise of the future. It is
beyond doubt true that those most closely identified with great or sudden
revolutions in opinion or in government are least competent to decide on
their value; they make history; the student of after years, decides, the
correctness of their theories, or the justice of their cause, and decides,
too, under circumstances which preclude the bias of partisan feeling.
There is that entire originality of work, that subtlety of thought, that
carefulness of observation, that catholicity of views, that honest, kind,
perhaps keen criticism of events and men, in the work of those who write
years after events have transpired, which they who lived at the time, and
contributed to them, are unable to exercise.
The history of a county exhibits a much more limited series of facts in
their proper connection, of which, indeed, each individual one is
interesting in its proper place—doubly interesting, perhaps, because it
marks the progress of thinking, toiling men, in our very presence; men who
have lived in the same moral and social atmosphere, struggled for the same
ends for which we have struggled, acquired their experience and reputation
in the same manner, and exhibited the same loves and hates, the same
proclivities and sympathies. This is the purely biographical element of
history—that element which opens to us the sources of human activity, and
enables us to read how far and in what manner the views of individuals
became impressed on public life and morals. It enables us to know the kind
of men who become leaders, to note the conditions and results of their
successes or defeats. This is the part of history directly affecting the
individual man, for from it does he select his type of character, of
thought, and of conduct. The remark of Plutarch is most applicable to the
realization of individual hopes and wishes, for it depicts the true
conditions of success.
Says he: “Whenever we begin an enterprise, or take possession of a charge,
or experience a calamity, we place before our eyes the example of the
greatest men of our own or of by-gone ages, and we ask ourselves how Plato
or Epaminondas, Lycurgus or Agesilaus, would have acted. Looking into
these personages as into a faithful mirror, we can remedy our defects in
word or deed. Whenever any perplexity arrives, or any passion disturbs the
mind, the student of philosophy pictures to himself some of those who have
been celebrated for their virtue, and the recollection sustains his
tottering steps and prevents his fall.” Such inspiring
examples as these are the kind that have given to the world names in every
walk of life that will never die. |