Iowa
History Project
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In the year 1688 the Friends of Germantown, Pennsylvania, drew up
the famous “Germantown Friends’ Protest Against Slavery”;(186) and from that time on until the last vestiges
of the slave power had been banished form America, the Society of Friends stood
in the forefront of the struggle for human freedom. The Quakers had been firm
and outspoken in their position on this great question for generations. But as
the first half of the nineteenth century drew to its close, the Society stood
charge by the Abolitionists with having changed its colors and turned
pro-slavery.
As has been seen in a previous
chapter, most of the Friends who early came into Indiana were form the southern
States, where they had come into direct contact with slavery. Having moved into
the Old Northwest for the specific purpose of getting away from slavery, these
Friends might well have been expected to champion the cause of abolition; but
such was not the case. Reserved in manner of life, it had never been “the
practice of Friends to make a parade before the public of their efforts in the
cause of humanity”. “Silently and steadily to persevere in the path of duty,
unawed by the frowns of the world”, was, and ever had been their characteristic
attitude. It is not strange, therefore, that in spite of their deep desire to
see the complete overthrow of the institution of slavery, the Society of
Friends as a whole in America refused to ally itself with the Abolitionists.
In 1838, however, within the Society
there began a movement of immense importance to the Indiana Yearly Meeting and to
the Quaker settlements growing up about Salem in Iowa. In that year a few
interested members convened at Newport, Indiana, to consider what should be
their rightful attitude towards the growing anti-slavery movement of the day.
Before adjournment twenty-five dollars were subscribed for the purchase of
anti-slavery books, tracts, and papers, to be circulated throughout the community.
About two years later this work received a decided stimulus by the visit of
Arnold Buffum, a Friends an done of the original founders of the American
Anti-Slavery Society, who, with the aid of Levi Coffin and others, labored for
several months in various parts of the Indiana Yearly Meeting. The New Garden
Quarterly Meeting, near Newport, became the focal point for the anti-slavery
activities of the Friends in the West, much to the chagrin of the leaders of the
Yearly Meeting.
Passing from mere abolition
sympathizers to active propagandists, some of the bolder spirits among the avowed
Quaker abolitionists undertook to force the Indiana Yearly Meeting for
Sufferings into the same activity; but they were at once frowned down by those in
authority. The crisis came at the Yearly Meeting in 1842. It was in the early
autumn, and the great American compromiser, Henry Clay, was in Richmond,
Indiana, on an electioneering campaign. Upon hearing that the Indiana Friends
were in attendance at their annual gathering. Clay let it be known that he
would like to visit the meeting; and soon the desired invitation was
forthcoming. Fearing the effect which the presence of so distinguished a
slave-holder might have upon their cause, the anti-slavery leaders called upon
him with a petition signed by about two thousand of their number, requesting
him to free his slaves. In his adroit manner the petition was put aside; while
on the morrow (Sunday) Clay was conducted to the yearly meeting by its chief
clerk, and was given “one of the most conspicuous places in the house”.(189) On that day, says an eye witness, “Colonization
triumphed over Abolitionism in a large Yearly Meeting of Quakers” and “Henry
was informed, that Friends had neither part nor lot with the Abolitionists!!”(190)
Events led rapidly to disruption.
Eight prominent members of the Yearly Meeting for Sufferings—among whom was the
well known Thomas Frazier of Salem, Iowa—were summarily proscribed for having “unhappily
joined in with these [abolition] views, and opposed and rejected both privately
and publicly, the advice of that body”. When about one hundred of these dissatisfied
members undertook to hold a meeting in the yearly meeting-house “to consider
what course it would be proper for them to pursue”, they were ruthlessly thrust
form the building. A committee was also appointed to visit all Quarterly,
Monthly, and Preparative Meetings composing the Yearly Meeting for the purpose
of reading to each community the “direction” that all members refrain from
uniting with any abolition societies, or even allowing their meeting-houses to
be used for anti-slavery meetings upon pain of being dealt with.(191)
It was now clear to all that any who
desired to array themselves openly against the slave power must do so outside
of the Indiana Yearly Meeting of Friends. There was, therefore, but one thing
for the abolitionist Friends to do, namely, to organize independently of the
parent body. This they did; and at their chief stronghold, Newport, on February
7, 1843, there was founded the “Indiana Yearly Meeting of Anti-Slavery Friends”,(192) with four Quarterly Meetings (of which Salem,
Iowa, was one) and with a membership which soon numbered about two thousand.
Unique, indeed, in the history of
the Friends is this schism over the question of slavery. By setting aside the intense
bitterness and the charges and counter-charges flung back and forth between the
two factions it is now clear that the real differences lay not so much in the
question of the final abolition of slavery, as in the manner by which this end
was to be accomplished.
Naturally a disruption within the
Society of Friends on this question attracted wide attention. The London Yearly
Meeting, long committed to the cause of abolition, took a deep interest in the
affair, and in 1845 sent a deputation of four of its prominent members to the
Indiana Yearly Meeting to bring about a reconciliation. The deputation, after a
long and wearisome journey, arrived in Richmond, Indiana, on September 29th,
just in time to attend the sessions of the Yearly Meeting. Here they perceived the
real situation and decided to visit “these dear soi-disant anti-slavery
friends in their own respective neighborhoods.
Immediately upon the close of the Yearly
Meeting the four English Friends set out for Salem, Iowa, the most western
settlement wither the disaffection had spread. For two long weeks these
messengers of good will journeyed westward. On the 26th day of
October they reached the village of Salem and from there, on the following day,
William Foster, a member of the committee, wrote to his wife:
Here we are, twenty miles west of
the Mississippi, 1140 from New York, and, as far as I know, we have now arrived
at the most remote point of our travels.
Having crossed the river late
Saturday evening, the party arrived at the New Garden meeting on the following
morning, “before Friends were all assembled”; and of the place Foster writes: “A
log house in the open prairie… pretty well filled with new settlers and their children;
such a lot of babies as I had never before seen in so small a meeting.”(193)
Upon entering Salem, these English
visitors had, as will be seen later, reached the chief station on the “Underground
Railway” in southeastern Iowa. Owing to its close proximity to the Missouri
border, there had appeared almost at the beginning of the settlement at Salem a
line of cleavage between those members of the Society who stood for open
defiance of the slave power and those who insisted upon the necessity of working
under cover of secrecy. Unable to conform to the latter policy, a number of the
prominent members—among whom were Aaron Street, Jr., Thomas Frazier, Elwood
Osborn, Henderson Lewelling, Marmaduke Jay, James Comer, Eli Jessup, Nathan
Hammer and Jonathan Cook—early withdrew from the Salem Monthly Meeting, set up
a monthly meeting of their own, built a new meeting-house, purchased a
five-acre tract of land for a burying ground, and termed themselves the “Abolition
Friends”.(194)
In accordance with the strict orders
of the Indiana Yearly Meeting concerning the Anti-slavery Separatists, complaint
against Jonathan Cook and Elwood Osborn was on March 25, 1843, laid before the
Salem Monthly Meeting because of their “neglecting the attendance of our
religious meetings and for detraction”.(195) Care was extended to
these two Friends, and after a period of several months Osborn was brought to
retract his position, presenting to the meeting the following statement:
Dear Friends I have given way so
far as to unintentionally be guilty of detraction and also for taking a part in
setting up a separate meeting and attending the same; for which deviation I am
sorry and desire friends to pass by the same and continue me a member as long
as my future conduct may deserve.
Elwood Osborn(196)
From this time on, as the anti-slavery feeling
became more and more intense at Salem, scarcely a monthly meeting convened
without one or more members being complained against for joining the “Separatists”.
Jonathan Cook, refusing to acknowledge that he was sorry for the course he had
taken, was disowned; and before the year 1845 had drawn to its close, no less
than fifty of the most vigorous members of the Salem Monthly Meeting had been
dealt with, most of them being disowned.
Having spent Sunday, October 26th,
at New Garden, the visiting deputation of English Friends drove into Salem
toward evening. There they found rest and comfort; and on Tuesday, the 28th,
in response to a call which had been issued by them, they met in conference
with the Anti-Slavery Friends in their little meeting-house. “After the meeting
had been gathered a few minutes, George Stacey arose to his feet, made a few
remarks explanatory of their mission, read the Minute of their appointment, and
then the Address from London Yearly Meeting”, which, in part, runs as follows:
To those who have recently
withdrawn from Indiana Yearly Meeting of Friends:
Dear Friends—This meeting
has from time to time been introduced into a feeling of much brotherly concern
and interest on your behalf, in consequence of your having withdrawn from the
body of Friends in Indiana Yearly Meeting; and those feelings are attended with
an earnest and affectionate solicitude for your re-union with them.
………………………
The considerations
which have led us to address you are confirmed on reflecting on the comfort and
strength which have arisen from that Christian fellowship and harmony which
have prevailed in our religious Society to so large an extent from its rise to
the present period; which we can only ascribe to the power of the Holy Spirit,
so conspicuously manifested at its first gathering; and every interruption to
which blessing must be regarded as a very serious evil.
………………………
Trusting
that on the fundamental doctrines of the Gospel, and on the spirituality of
divine worship, there exists no essential difference between you and the body
from which you have withdrawn, we have felt much concern and sorrow on hearing
that you have discontinued assembling with them to present yourselves together
before the Lord. Accept, we beseech you, our earnest and affectionate entreaty
that you will relinquish your separate meetings for this purpose—will wholly
discontinue them, and again assemble for the public worship of Almighty God
with those with whom you have been accustomed thus to meet.
………………………..
With
sincere desires that the wisdom which is from above, which is pure, peaceable,
gentle and easy to be entreated, may be granted to every one of you on the
perusal and calm consideration of this our affectionate address, we are your
friends:
Signed
in and behalf of the Meeting by
George Stacey – Clerk to the [London Yearly] Meeting this year.(197)
At the close of this address of admonition and appeal each of the visiting Friends had something to say concerning the occasion. “William Foster”, says one who was present, “expressed, in a feeling manner, his gratitude for the opportunity with us, and bore testimony to the precious solemnity which covered the meeting”. In response to the Address”, the “committee were informed that our English brethren did not know what they were asking of us, when they required our return to those from whom we have separated, without a removal of the causes of the separation”.
After a “full and free expression of sentiment” by those present on the contents of the London “Address”, the London Friends withdrew; and the meeting further discussed the matter and appointed a committee to draw up a proper reply on the subject. Early the next morning the following statement, signed by six men and four women, was presented to the deputation:
Esteemed
Friends, William Foster, Josiah Foster, George Stacey, and John Allen.
Upon
duly considering the advice contained in the Address to us from London Yearly Meeting,
to discontinue our meetings for worship, and attend the meetings for worship of
those with whom we were formerly associated in religious fellowship, we believe
it right to inform you, through this medium, that we cannot accede to the
proposition, for the following reasons:
First,
because we occupy our present position more from necessity than choice, having
no alternative left us, if we would enjoy the benefit of religious society
[they had already been disowned]. Second, because we believe it would be a
virtual surrender of our A. S. [Anti-Slavery] principles. Third, because by so
doing we would not be securing to ourselves the benefits of religious society,
nor the fellowship and unity so desirable, unless we are acknowledged by those
you advise us to return to, as Friends in unity, with full privilege to
continue our active exertions in the A. S. cause, as Truth may dictate, being
accountable to the Society for violations of the discipline only… Fourth,
because by so doing our influence in a society capacity will be lost, and thus,
instead of advancing the cause of truth and righteousness on the earth, we
would become a hindrance. And fifth, because we are in unity with Indiana Yearly
Meeting of A. S. Friends, and believe the advice should claim the attention of
our Meeting for Sufferings.
And,
in conclusion, we would further state, that we can but view the course of
London Yearly Meeting, and your course as a committee, as very extraordinary.
That without ever entering into an impartial examination of the causes that led
to the difficulty that exists between us, and those we were formerly associated
with in religious fellowship, you enter into judgment, and require us to
return, without an effort to remove the causes of the difficulty that separates
us; which removal would open the way for us to return on principles that would
have a tendency to restore the unity that is so desirable, but which cannot be
restored without the removal of those causes.
In love we remain your friends.(198)
Having thus failed in their mission to the Anti-Slavery Friends at Salem, the deputation prepared to leave for Nettle Creek, Indiana, where they would pursue the same course. Before their departure, however, on October 31st they attended the regular Salem Monthly Meeting, which recognized their presence in the following significant statement:
Our Beloved friend William Foster, a minister in company with his brethren George Stacey, Josiah Foster and John Allen, all from England in the prosecution of their visit in passing through these parts have acceptably attended this meeting & produced a copy of a minute from our yearly meeting directing them to the attention of Subordinate meetings whose company and labor of Gospel love amongs[t] us have been satisfactory & edifying.(199)
A last attempt at conciliation on the part of the Anti-Slavery Friends at Salem was made on Saturday morning, November 1st. In response to the urgent request of these Quakers, the English deputation again convened with them to review the situation. The Salem Friends undertook to explain the causes for their separation and the situation in which they were placed; but the commission at once let it be known, positively and clearly, that they had not come to America for the purpose of investigating the right or the wrong in the separation, but that they had come with the specific purpose and under directions to summon the Anti-Slavery Friends, in the name of the London Yearly Meeting, to disband and to return unconditionally to the parent body.
Now came the final clash. Realizing
the high-handed manner in which this representation from across the sea
proposed to crush them, Quakers though they were, the Anti-Slavery leaders
exhibited something of the spirit and pioneer courage of their forefathers. The
London Friends were plainly told that their mission in America must inevitably
widen rather than heal the breach between the two bodies of Friends in the
West, and that it would likewise have a strong tendency “to retard the work of
emancipation in the United States, by throwing the weight of the influence of
the Society of Friends in England and America, against the honest laborers in
the cause”. But such advice was utterly disregarded, and, having visited each
of the separatist families at Salem, the visiting deputation left Iowa for the
other Anti-slavery Quaker centers to the eastward, displaying at every point
the same indisposition to enter into the merits of the controversy, and in turn
being met each time with the same unflinching opposition.
The remaining history of the
anti-slavery movement among the Friends at Salem and in the Indiana Yearly
Meeting can be briefly told. In Iowa these vigorous Friends made Salem one of the
most hated spots to the Missouri slave-catcher in the southeastern part of the
State. Here, as in Indiana, they gradually drew into their ranks the most energetic
spirits of the main body, and forced the whole Society into a more open ad
sympathetic attitude towards the abolitionists. Gradually throughout the North the
term abolition lost its stigma; the leaders of the Indiana Yearly Meeting
abandoned their proscriptive measures; and a change was made in the Discipline,
making it easy for their brethren to return to the fold. At Salem the
Anti-slavery meeting gradually declined through the death of some of its
members, the removal of others to other communities, and the return of most of
the rest to the main body. The meeting-house was finally abandoned and sold for
a dwelling before the opening of the war; and in 1862 the Salem Monthly Meeting
purchased the Anti-Slavery Friends’ burying ground for the sum of twenty
dollars.(200) In Indiana by 1857 scarcely enough was left
of the Indiana Yearly Meeting of Anti-Slavery Friends to keep up a Monthly or
Quarterly Meeting, and in this year it, too, was abandoned.
186- The “Germantown Protest”, issued by the Germantown
Monthly Meeting of Friends, Pennsylvania, in 1688 is usually cited as the first
formal document issued against the institution of slavery in America.
187- In an article entitled The Society of
Friends and Abolition, published in The Friend, Vol. XVI (1842-1843), pp.
374, 375, a clear and full statement is made of the reasons why the Friends
held aloof from the early abolition movement.
188- See Reminiscences of Levi Coffin, the
Reputed President of the Underground Railroad (Cincinnati: Western Tract
Society), Ch. VII.
189- Quoted in Hodgson’s The Society of
Friends in the Nineteenth Century, Vol. II, p. 25.
190- Osborn’s A Testimony Concerning the Separation Which Occurred in Indiana Yearly Meeting of Friends, in the Winter of 1842 and ’43; together with sundry remarks and observations, particularly on the subjects of War, Slavery, and Colonization (Centerville, 1849), p. 44.
191-An excellent account of the events leading up to the anti-slavery separation in the Indiana Yearly Meeting may be found in The Friend, Vol. XVII (1843-1844) pp. 85, 86, 93, 94.
192- The Address, from the Meeting for Sufferings, of Indiana Yearly Meeting of Friends, held at White Water, on the 6th and 7th of the Third month, 1843, cites this date.
193- Sebohm’s Memoirs of William Foster (London, 1865), Vol. II, pp. 198, 199.
194- See Western Work (Oskaloosa), May, 1908, pp. 2, 3.
195- Minutes of Salem Monthly Meeting of Friends, 3 mo., 25th, 1843, pp. 149, 150.
196- Minutes of Salem Monthly Meeting of Friends, 9 mo., 30th, 1843, pp. 167, 168.
197- Osborn’s A Testimony Concerning the Separation Which Occurred in Indiana Yearly Meeting of Friends, in the Winter of 1842 and ’43, pp. 17, 18.
198- For the materials concerning what transpired among the Anti-Slavery Friends at Salem on this occasion the writer has depended largely on quotations found in Edgerton’s A History of the Separation in Indiana Yearly Meeting on the Anti-Slavery Question (Cincinnati, 1856), pp. 337-343; and in Hodgson’s The History of Friends in the Nineteenth Century, Vol. II, pp. 39, 40.
199- Minutes of Salem Monthly Meeting of Friends, 10 mo., 31st, 1845, p. 268.
200- Minutes of Salem Monthly Meeting of Friends, 12 mo., 17th, 1862, p. 292.
For a full and careful account of this anti-slavery separation see Edgerton’s A History of the Separation in Indiana Yearly Meeting of Friends on the Anti-Slavery Question.