ANNALS OF IOWA
Volume 5, No. 6 July, 1902
THE FLOOD OF 1851
BY TACITUS HUSSEY.
The flood of 1851 was one of those extraordinary
events which happen in a state but once in a lifetime. It could scarcely occur
again because of changes in physical conditions. The Des Moines river and its
tributaries drained then as now a very large territory. Nearly one-third of the
counties of Iowa are touched by this stream which flows in a somewhat meandering
way across the State, from west to east, mingling with the waters of the
Mississippi about four miles below Keokuk. When it is remembered that in 1851
the upper part of the territory was in a state of perennial wildness and
incapacitated by its grassy surface for receiving into its soil the rain, which
ran into the nearest streams, the wonder will not be so great. It will be
remembered, also, that source of the Des Moines river touches Minnesota, so
famous for its heavy snowfall, which, melting somewhat later than the snows in
the central part of this State, fed the smaller tributaries and kept their
channels full until the spring rain clouds poured out their copious
contributions. The flood of 1851 was phenomenal, and seemed to be the
culmination of what is sometimes called a "wet weather cycle."
Let us take the record of the "rain gauge" of
eight years, beginning with 1848, two years after the State, which was the
youngest and most promising of the sisterhood, was admitted to the Union:
1848, rainfall...............................26 inches.
1849, rainfall...............................69 inches.
1850, rainfall...............................49 inches.
1851, rainfall...............................74 1/2 inches.
1852, rainfall...............................49 inches.
1853, rainfall...............................45 inches.
1854, rainfall................................23 inches.
1855, rainfall................................28 inches.
It will be readily seen that more than
six feet of water fell upon the earth's surface in less than five months, in
addition to the melting of heavy snows in the spring; this would make each
"rivulet a roaring cataract," and convert ordinarily well behaved
rivers into miniature oceans. It was thus that the flood of waters came sweeping
out all sown and planted crops on the low lands, and carrying away everything
loose and floatable. Bridges were few over the rivers below; but the primitive
ferryboats, fences, stock, stables and in some cases farm houses, were abandoned
to watery elements, while the owners fled to the hills, glad to escape with
their lives. The newspapers published that year (the columns of which have been
thoroughly scanned by the writer) gave few particulars in regard to the
phenomena. They seemed for some reason to say but little about it, probably
because they did not wish the outside world to know what a severe calamity it
was, but it was mentioned by some of them in meager paragraphs under the caption
"An Unprecedented Flood," "The Great Rainfall," "The
Swelling Rivers," etc. They preferred, like the wounded dove, to hide the
rankling arrow of misfortune under the silence. It might be well to mention,
however, that newspapers were not very plentiful in Iowa in those early days. A
partial list, gleaned from an old musty record, of papers published in the early
fifties, is given:
Evening Gazette, Burlington; The Western
American, Keosauqua; Burlington Hawk-Eve, Burlington; Der Demokrat,
Davenport; Fairfield Ledger, Fairfield; Lee County News, Keokuk;
Iowa State Press, Iowa City; Constitution-Democrat, Keokuk; Gate
City, Keokuk; Muscatine Journal, Muscatine, Ottumwa Courier, Ottumwa;
Ottumwa Democrat, Ottumwa; The Iowa Star, Fort Des Moines; Fort
Des Moines Gazette, Fort Des Moines; Oskaloosa Herald, Oskaloosa; Iowa
Democratic Inquirer, Muscatine; Miners' Express, Dubuque; Dubuque
Herald, Dubuque; Jeffersonian Democrat, Keosauqua; Progressive
Era, Cedar Rapids.
The destruction on the upper part of the Des Moines
river was principally in the undermining of the immense trees which stood on its
banks. There are two branches of the upper Des Moines which unite a short
distance below Humboldt. The channel of the united streams is narrow, rocky, and
hemmed in by cliffs of rock, or high hills. The river is very crooked, and in
ordinary stages runs like a mill-race. Hundreds of stately trees were uprooted
and swept down stream by the resistless current. At some sudden turn the river
where the banks were not so high, the great volume of water would "cut
across" to the next bend, carrying everything in its way. The largest
trees, after having the soil washed from under their roots, would fall with a
crash and join the army of floaters in the wild rush to the far away
Mississippi. This destruction was increased when that part of the river below
Fort Dodge was reached and the river bottoms became wider. The fierce current
ripped up the alluvial soil, undermining the heavy timber, forming temporary
dams, ploughing out new channels and carrying the soil, reduced to infinitesimal
particles, to the south to form new islands, and change the line of the shores.
Of course this work was unwitnessed by human eyes; but
the many islands and deserted channels tell the story of the force of this great
flood, and the lesser ones which at intervals followed.
The west part of Fort Des Moines suffered but little
loss of property. Business was completely paralyzed, as few passed out or in
during the time the flood was at its height. According to the best accounts
gathered from the old settlers the rains were almost incessant from early in May
until about the middle of July, and three times during the season, the waters
broke beyond the bank's confining, in each instance adding gloom to the
situation. The east side of the river opposite Des Moines was covered with a
swift current rushing down where the Chicago and Northwestern depot now stands;
and the few buildings which stood on the river bottoms here, were swept away, or
hopelessly wrecked. On the west side of the river there was a stretch of low
ground running in a southerly direction beginning at the mouth of Bird's run and
continuing nearly or quite to where the Rock Island depot now stands. At Third
street and Court avenue the water partially covered the street, and William
Moore, Aurelius Reynolds, B. F. Allen, A. J. Stevens, Chapman & Thomas,
William Krause, Hoyt Sherman, Madison Young and others, all gay young men in
those days who boarded at the Marvin House, near Third and Walnut, were
compelled to build a raft on which to cross the "back water" coming
from the Des Moines, and pole themselves across six times a day. The presence of
water in small quantities on Court avenue and Second street is explained in this
way: when the old court house, which stood where the Union depot now stands, was
built in 1847-8, Mr. W. R. Close was given the contract for making the brick. He
found the right kind of clay in the immediate vicinity, and in getting out the
necessary amount of material left a large excavation which was continually
filled with water. During the summer it stood with a green scum over it and was
the receptacle, probably, for dead animals of all kinds. The citizens fearing it
would breed disease, and in order to drain it, dug a deep ditch on the side of
the street leading to Second street, and thence to Bird's run. When the water
rose in 1851, it found easy access to those portions of the village touched by
this primitive canal. This will account for the water reported in small
quantities on Second, Vine, and lower Court avenue. "The water in the
ditch" proved a very good gauge for those who were too busy playing
checkers, poker, or "one grain of corn ante," to go to the river to
see "if she was still rising." By looking at the "ditch" the
problem was easily solved.
On the side of the main traveled road leading past
Union Park, north of Des Moines, stood a large elm tree on which there was a
deep notch cut marking the greatest height of the flood during the summer of
1851. This mark was made by one of the Thompson boys, at the river bend a mile
or so above the city, whose pioneer residence is now included in Union Park. The
notch as noted at the time this article was written shows the depth of water to
have been about four feet. A surveyor, after looking at this mark not long
since, and making a mental calculation of the "level" of the water's
height a mile and a half below, estimated that it would be about 23 feet above
low water mark. This would bring it near the floor of the present Walnut street
bridge. When it is remembered that the water spread from bluff to bluff, the
magnitude of the volume can readily be imagined.
As business was almost at a standstill many of our
citizens spent the season in catching sawlogs, trees and driftwood, and anchored
them safely along the shores until the waters should recede. Much valuable
timber was secured in this way. While catching sawlogs with a boat just below
the village, Conrad Youngerman was drowned. In company with John Youngerman and
L. D. Karnes, a tailor, he was engaged in this business, when from some
unaccountable cause the boat was capsized and Mr. Youngerman was swept away by
the swift current and drowned before aid could reach him. The other two men,
after a hard struggle for their lives, were saved. During this year of flood Dr.
Thomas K. Brooks was building a house on his farm about a mile east of where the
State capitol now stands. He was much troubled about getting his building
material to the location, until a raft was built. This was loaded with material
and floated over the river bottoms to what is known as "Brooks' Lake,"
and unloaded on the highlands. The process was slow and attended with
considerable danger, but was finally accomplished. The doors, window-frames,
sash, glass and hardware formed the last cargo, and the owner and ingenious
contractor were very happy at having triumphed over the watery dilemma.
"Brooks' Lake," fed by springs, is still in existence, and the south
end of it furnishes water for the largest starch factory in the world.
The Fort Des Moines Star, May 29, 1851, in speaking
of the downpour, says: For three weeks it has rained almost incessantly, pouring
down from the clouds as if the very windows of heaven were opened. Neither the
memory of the oldest settlers along the banks of the Des Moines river, not the
memory of the natives who resided here before it was settled by the whites, nor
any traditionary account from the natives, furnishes any evidence of such a
flood ever having occurred here, in all past time. The 'Coon and Des Moines
rivers are higher by several feet than they were in the spring of 1849, which
was the greatest rise of water ever known here up to that time.
Professor Charles Tuttle, in his "History of
Iowa," says: It commenced to be wet weather the early part of May, and the
heavens were almost daily blackened with angry clouds, and the rain poured down
in torrents, frequently accompanied with violent winds and loud pealing thunder,
till July. Prof. Tuttle also states, though his exact language is not quoted,
that the fish left the regular channels of the river, and found their ways into
the ravines and lagoons to be a captured by hungry settlers when the waters
receded. All the towns on the banks of the river below Fort Des Moines to the
Mississippi which were on the lower table lands were flooded. At the height of
the flood the water was 22 1/2 feet above low water mark. This immense volume of
water spread all over the bottom lands, and East Des Moines was under water to
the second bank or ledge, and could only be traversed by boats and rafts.
The Muscatine Journal of May 21, 1851, says:
The Mississippi is still rising and looks but a few inches of the great rise of
1844. A part of Muscatine island is overflowed.
The Oskaloosa Herald of June that year says: The
destruction of property on the Des Moines river has been very great. Farms have
been cleared of fences, growing crops, houses and everything of a movable
nature. The river was never known to be so high before. A vast amount of grain
in the cribs has been swept away. The inhabitants on the river bottoms have been
compelled to desert their houses and flee to the bluffs for refuge. A number of
dwellings were carried entirely away. This calamity will be doubly hard on the
citizens of the vicinity of the Des Moines river, as it has not only destroyed
the present crops but has taken away the old crops that were in store for the
needs of the present season. Eddyville, Ottumwa, Red Rock, and the eastern part
of Fort Des Moines are nearly submerged by the overflowing river.
It must not be understood by the reader that this flood
was confined to the Des Moines valley. The deluge was general, and wherever
there were rivers or streams of any size, they were changed to wild torrents,
carrying destruction before them. The Iowa
Democratic Inquirer of June 6,1851, gives an account of the flood on the
Maquoketa river, Jackson county, where much damage was done: A large
flooring mill, saw mill, and carding mill, situated on the Maquoketa, are
reported as swept away. In addition to the damage done to buildings, mills,
warehouses, etc., much damage is also done to farms by the lodgment of drift. In
almost every valley the soil has been more or less swept from its bed, and on
hillsides the ploughed fields have been badly washed. It is almost impossible to
form even an approximate estimate of the damage done in various ways to the
property of this county.
The Dubuque Herald of June 8th of this year gives
an account of the drowning of Mrs. Alloway and the marvelous escape of her
husband: Mr. and Mrs. Alloway, an elderly couple, lived by themselves on
the banks of the Maquoketa river. When they found themselves in danger by the
sudden rise of the water, they attempted to escape by flight, but were overtaken
by the flood before they could reach a place of safety. The husband, finding
they were about to be swept away by the strong current, laid hold of a bush with
one hand while with the other he attempted to sustain his drowning wife. The
unequal struggle was maintained for some time; but suddenly the wife seemed to
struggle and the helpless body was torn from his grasp and sank out of sight.
The husband retained his hold on the bush until he was rescued in an exhausted
state in the morning.
Red Rock, in Marion county, being built on the banks of
the Des Moines river, was completely flooded and the few inhabitants were
compelled to move to the higher land when the river began to overflow its banks.
It was a steamboat station and a rival of Fort Des Moines in the very early
steamboating days. Above the village there stands a huge cliff of red sandstone,
guarding the approach by river, while below stands a similar cliff, keeping
watch and ward over the sleepy village. It looks very much as if the river at
some remote period had cut this great formation in two, leaving the remnants to
emphasize nature's handiwork, as they stand there with polished sides, smiling
or frowning as the sun or shadows rest upon their moss-grown faces. Nature is a
tireless worker, and when there is a stupendous task to perform is never in a
hurry. "A thousand years in Thy sight are but as yesterday when it is past,
and as a watch in the night;" so the cutting of the channel through
the solid rock must have taken a great many "yesterdays" as the God of
nature reckons. Perhaps the task was not so great after all. The huge mountain
may have been of soft material when the never ceasing current cut through its
way; and then, by a miracle which occupied a few eons of time, the cliffs were
hardened to stone. Were this stone as durable as beautiful, it would be the
finest building material in Iowa.
How the contracted current must have rushed and roared
through these narrow channels! And with what alacrity the water must have spread
over the wide, low bottoms a few miles below, enlarging to a lake of from one to
three miles wide, bearing on its bosom every movable article from a stand of
bees to the faithful cow!
Eddyville was a sufferer, also, by the flood. A portion
of the village lying close to the river was under water three different times;
the height of the flood being about the middle of June. Mr. E. L. Smith, agent
of the U. S. Express at Des Moines, lived there at the time. He came to
Eddyville in 1845, and in the year 1850 entered the service of Hon. Ed. Manning
who had a store and warehouse near the bank of the river. The river began to
show flood-signs about the middle of May and many of the families living on the
lowlands had taken refuge on a gravelly knoll where the railroad depot now
stands. The storekeepers and warehousemen were compelled to reach their places
of business by means of boats and canoes. The inhabitants took the flooding
good-naturedly, and in true pioneer spirit shared shelter and provisions with
those who were in need. Some of the storekeepers slept on their counters in
order to be prepared for any emergency, or to wait on such customers as were
provided with boats. On awakening in the morning, the sleepers never knew
whether their feet would sink in the mud on the floor left by the receding
river, or in three feet of water, the result of an incoming flood. At the
supposed height of the flood four adventurous Des Moines men—Messrs. Hoyt
Sherman, J. M. Griffith, W. T. Marvin and Peter Myers- appeared at the hotel in
a skiff and, tying their boat to the bannisters of the hotel stairway, climbed
to the second story and ate a hearty dinner. They were on their way to St. Louis
to charter a steamboat for the upper Des Moines river, as provisions were
getting very scarce and relief must be obtained in some way.
For a few days previous to their arrival Mr. Smith had
been transferring a thousand or two bushels of corn from Mr. Manning's warehouse
to the large warehouse of William Butcher. The latter then stood high and dry,
and being nearer the river, was more convenient for loading the corn on the
boats for St. Louis. The transfer had been finished on the day the voyagers
arrived. The corn was spread over the floor and the doors left open that it
might dry quickly. Before the voyagers left they reported that a "three
foot rise" was due some time before morning. The owners of the corn treated
the prophecy as a "river joke" and paid no further attention to it. In
the morning, however, when the superintendent visited the warehouse to "see
how the corn was drying," he found that the "three foot rise" had
arrived and had floated the corn out of the open door, lodging a portion of it
in the picket fences near by, while on the river thousands of floating ears were
bobbing up and down in the swift current or circling in golden eddies near the
shore. To make the loss more aggravating, corn was worth about two dollars a
bushel! A short distance below Eddyville there was a bend in the river where
many trees had lodged, forming a boom which caught all manner of floating
debris. When the water subsided sufficiently, every one who had lost an article
which would float, repaired to the "drift" to identify and recover
their lost property. There were bee-hives, buckets, tubs, baskets, boxes,
firewood, fence rails, sidewalks, sections of picket fences, gates and all
manner of household utensils. There was very little wrangling. Each woman
recognized her tubs and the men needed not to be introduced to their sections of
fences, gates and sidewalks.
On the Fourth of July of this year, three jolly couples
went on a picnic excursion from Eddyville to Johnsonburg, a mile and a half down
the river. The waters had retired within the banks but the current was swift and
dangerous. The going down was an easy task and with song and shout the
destination was reached in about twenty minutes. The young people they had
planned to meet were there, and a pleasant afternoon was spent. The coming back,
however, was the rub! Two of the young men rowed while the third endeavored to
steer the boat, which zigzagged across the stream wherever there was a promise
of smooth water. They hugged the shore closely, taking advantage of all the
eddies in the endeavor to make headway. After a three hours' pull, during which
seats with the helmsman were changed many times to the peril of the fair
voyagers, they reached the starting point with blistered hands and thankful
hearts. The "grave and reverend senior" who related this incident, and
who was one of the boating party, said: "As I look back on that wild jaunt
of fifty-one years ago, remembering the peril we were in without realizing it, I
would not go through the same experience again for the best farm in Iowa."
Ottumwa, what there
was of it in that early day, was built very near the river, the better to
receive and freight goods on the passing steamboats. One who was there at the
time says: We had to move everything we had in our houses and stores to higher
ground, and be quick about it. In June, some time about the middle if I remember
right, every store, warehouse and residence on the low ground was partially
submerged. The highest point was reached about that time, and those who made
measurements afterwards found that the water was nearly 23 feet above low water
mark. We did not lose a bridge, as was reported, as we had none to lose. There
has never been a flood since, to equal the flood of 1851.
D. H. Ainsworth, of Newton, Iowa, in his very
interesting book entitled, "The Recollections of a Civil Engineer," in
speaking of the high water on the Cedar river during one of his surveying trips,
while running a line from Wilton Junction to Oskaloosa in 1853, says: On the
east side of Iowa river below its confluence with the Cedar, we stopped at the
Ferry-house, where were many disagreeable persons, and a parrot usually roosting
on an open door at meal time nearly over the table. To get here a high water
mark, we took the elevation of a streak on the plastering about three feet from
the floor, where the water had evidently stood. Greater surprise would have been
occasioned had I not, some weeks before, on the banks of the Cedar at Rochester
City, seen a monument marked "High-water of 1851."
Iowaville had a wide stretch of bottom land between the
river and the bluff, a mile or so away. It was situated on the north side of the
river. At the time of the flood of 1851 the village contained about thirty
houses, some stores, a blacksmith shop and hotel. The village exists in memory
only, as the former site is now used as a farm. Previous to the flood there was
a sawmill running by steam on the bank of the river and N. L. Milburn, who had
contracted to put up a bridge at Keosauqua, had a small gang of men getting out
the material and framing it ready to raft it down the river.
About the 20th of May the water rose so high that it
put out the furnace fires and the work had to be abandoned for the time being.
The workmen engaged were R. E. Underwood, foreman, Ed. Dunning, Richard Douglas,
William Terry, Seth Graham of Des Moines, and perhaps others. When the waters
cut off the inhabitants from the mainland all the available men and boats were
set to work to carry them to the bluffs about a mile away. They took with them
such articles as would be available for camping purposes. A generous-hearted
farmer by the name of Joel Avery, who lived on the high ground, sent this
message to his unfortunate neighbors: "Come over and bunk with me; I have a
big house and barn, and everything I have is at your service. The invitation was
generally accepted, and instead of looking upon the flood as a calamity, it was
turned into a picnic of nearly a month's duration. These neighbors clubbed
together, did their cooking out of doors, and used the farm house and barn for
shelter and sleeping apartments. A partial list of the names of those accepting
Mr. Avery's hospitality follows: The Stouts, Hoovers, Huttons, James and John
Baker, Alexander Nedrow, B. Nagle, William Starr, Rev. Mr. Rathburn, a Mormon
preacher, with their belongings. Some of the inhabitants who lived in two-story
houses moved into the second story and so lived until the waters subsided. The
Iowa hotel moved its furniture and cooking utensils into the second story where
the guests, who arrived and departed in boats, were made as comfortable as
possible. Mr. Seth Graham, now a resident of Des Moines, who "passed
through the flood," says that the water reached its height about the 20th
of June and spread over the lowlands, from bluff to bluff, doing great damage
where there was a strong current. The bridge contracted for by the authorities
at Keosauqua and N. L. Milburn was never put in place, partly on account of the
high water and also because of a disagreement between the contracting parties;
each preferred to lose the money advanced and the work already done rather than
complete the contract. About the middle of March, 1852, a heavy windstorm from
the west caught the two spans of the bridge already in place and hurled them
into the river with a great crash. The authorities then began to advertise a
free ferry in order to catch a share of the California immigration. An early
settler in mentioning this matter refers to it as the first "draw"
bridge contract ever entered into by a county in Iowa.
The hearts of the
people of Iowaville were made happy on the Fourth of July of that year by the
arrival of the steamboat Caleb Cope well loaded with provisions for the hungry
people on the upper river. It will be remembered that his boat reached Fort Des
Moines on the 5th of July of that year, and was a welcome arrival, for
provisions had become very scarce and high. It always adds interest to a history
to have the personal experience of a participator in the incidents. It is a
pleasure, therefore, to introduce to the reader Mr. Carlisle St. John, who spent
his boyhood days at Keosauqua, Iowa, and whose remembrance of the flood at that
place is fresh, not-withstanding more than half a century has elapsed. His
sketch is given as written, with but few changes:
THE FLOOD AT KEOSAUQUA.
To get an intelligent idea of the flood at this
point it is necessary that the reader should have some knowledge of the lay of
the ground. Just above the business part of the town a small ravine opened into
the river, and below the business district a small stream emptied into the
river. In the times of high water these ravines overflowed and formed bayous.
The business was located along First street, or the river front, and in the rear
of this, and about midway between First and Second streets, the ground was
lower. Until '51 there had been no inconvenience experienced from the water
backing up and forming these bayous, but this year it kept rising until it began
feeling its way, along the low ground in the rear of the business houses,
connecting the upper and lower bayous and at last left the business portion of
the town an island.
At first a gangway answered the purpose of keeping up
communication between the business portion and the mainland; but in a short time
the current became too strong and swept it away, so it became necessary to
provide some kind of a craft to meet this emergency. Everybody made a watercraft
from the best material which could be found. I had one of the most unique. At
that time I was serving my last year as an apprentice to the tin trade. The
proprietor had just had manufactured a peddling-box for the purpose of hauling
his wares through the country in order to supply country dealers. This
peddling-box was made of inch pine boards nailed together and in proportion and
appearance might have been taken for a baby flatboat. It had not yet been placed
on the wagon and was sitting by the side of the shop. I caulked it up as well as
I could, launched it, and with a pole to propel it started for the mainland. I
soon found it to be a real broncho to ride. It bucked worse than a broncho. A
broncho might fail sometime to throw its rider—but this, never! There was
always some water in it, and this would roll from one side to the other, so at
about the third lurch it never failed to throw me, to the great amusement of
those on shore. The water soon became too high to run a craft of that kind, and
the proprietor bought an excellent skiff of some parties who had come down the
river, and put me in possession of it. From that time on, I roamed the surging
flood with the freedom of a buccaneer. By this time the water was running over
the lowest places on Front street and kept rising until it came onto the floors
of the business houses. The merchants moved their goods higher up on the shelves
and on the tops of the counters, all the while saying, "It certainly will
not get much higher." But it kept coming up until it reached the top of the
counters in some instances, and in others about half way up, and remained at
that point for short time. Then it began to recede and reached about the
original high water mark where it remained for something like a week. It then
began to rise again, and reached a point a few inches higher than before. After
short time it began to recede again and continued to do so until it was finally
within its banks where it remained.
In a little while all traces were cleared away and
business was resumed, and everything moved along as if there never had been a
flood. There appeared to be no serious results from it. The water passed the
high water mark in the fore part of May, and receded the last time about the
middle of June, causing an interruption of business of about five weeks. It
caused a great deal of inconvenience and loss of business, but the people kept
in good spirits through it all. Some one found some horseshoes and a game of
quoits was started, and soon almost every one was quoit-pitching, apparently
getting some fun out of what would seem a great calamity. But it was very quiet
and monotonous. Not a stir but the water as it swept by between the houses in
the submerged districts. A "gondolier" with his girl was occasionally
seen passing among the submerged houses taking in the situation; or, perhaps, a
larger craft with youngsters aboard, with mirth and song, somewhat relieved the
monotony.
I remember seeing a boat load of young folks on the
lower bayou, among whom was E. O. Stannard, who, having a fine voice, sang some
of the melodies of the day, among which was "A Farmer's Life is the Life
for Me." A little more than a year after this he left the parental roof and
went out to make his own way in the world. In a few years we heard of him as a
member of a business firm in St. Louis; again as lieutenant-governor of the
state of Missouri; again in the councils of the nation as a member of congress
from St. Louis; today he is one of the foremost business men of that city, and
recently received favorable mention in connection with the second highest office
in the gift of the American people. Of the business concerns and residents who
were flooded at that time I recall the following:
The steam flouring-mill, belonging to the estate of
Hugh Brown, located on the bank of the river just above the upper bayou.
L. W. Thornburg, furniture manufacturer, on First
street near Market.
The firm of Marlow & Whittlesey, general merchants.
Henry Wheelan, drug
store, on the corner of First and Main streets.
William Burton, general bakery and restaurant, near the
corner of Main on First street.
Julien &
Wilson, dry goods, on First street.
George G. Wright
and Joseph C. Knapp, lawyers, office on First street, between Main and Van
Buren.
N. R. Dawson,
tailor, on First street between Van Buren and Cass.
J. J. Kimberly, dry
goods, corner of First and Cass streets.
Steele &
Chittenden, dry goods, on First between Cass and Dodge.
James H. Jackson,
merchant tailor, corner of Dodge and First streets.
Henry M. Shelby, attorney at law and county attorney,
on First between Cass and Dodge streets.
Thomasa Dare,
tinware, corner of First and Market streets. We called him "Colonel"
Dare. How he acquired this title I do not know, unless it was because he was one
of those "hale fellows well met." He came to Keosauqua from Fairfield,
Jefferson county, the fall previous, where he had been in business for a time as
senior in the firm of "Dare, Sweat & Root." The firm had failed in
Fairfield and he had come down to our place, I suppose temporarily, until he
could select another situation. He was a bachelor but during the flood he was
married to a lady of Fairfield, and brought her to Keosauqua as a bride during
the high water. I assisted him in getting his tools and machinery onto the dry
land. Shortly after this he moved to Osceola, Clarke county, where he
established himself in business and reared a family. His son, George, is in the
hardware business, now senior of the firm of Dare & Sanford, Osceola, Iowa.
Edwin Manning,
general merchandise, corner of Van Buren and First streets. Mr. Manning is
perhaps the oldest merchant in the State of Iowa having come to "Ioway
Territory" somewhere about the '30s. He was one of the founders of
Keosauqua, and the oldest merchant of the place; and although 9I years of age,
is physically strong for one of his years. The old sign of "Manning's
Store" still remains, representing a remarkable business career of about 66
years.
The Keosauqua House,
James Shepherd, proprietor, owner of Van Buren street. This hotel was open for
business all the time during the flood. The guests were conveyed back and forth
in skiffs. Trestles with planks laid upon them extended from the entrance to the
stairway and meals were served in the second story. The guests of the hotel at
that time, as I recall them, were: J. B. Miller, lawyer; Dr. William Craig, Dr.
C. C. Biser, Madison Dagger, Mr. Welsch, cabinet maker; Shephen S. Elwell,
carpenter; and C. C. Nourse, lawyer. Mr. Nourse came there just between the
first and second floods. He was recognized at once in his profession and in
little more than a year was elected county attorney. He removed to Des Moines in
1858. In 1860 he was elected attorney general of the State; re-elected in 1862;
was subsequently judge and now ranks as one of the leading attorneys of the Polk
county bar.
John B. Miller moved to Des Moines in the early '60s
and engaged in the mercantile business under the firm name of Manning &
Miller, after which he served Polk county as auditor for several years.
Leonard J. Rose, dry
goods, corner of First and Cass streets. In 1858 he started for California, with
perhaps one of the best outfits ever used in crossing the plains. He was advised
to take the southern route, via Albuquerque. He got as far as the Colorado river
where his party was attacked by Navajo Indians and nearly all his company
massacred and his outfit taken by them. Mr. Rose and his immediate family
escaped and returned to Albuquerque, where he remained until the next spring
when he went to Santa Fe, New Mexico, and for a time kept the United States
Hotel. Later he went to California, settling near Los Angeles, and
established an immense vineyard and winery, one of the largest in the state, to
which he gave the name "The Sunny Slope." It became one of the objects
of interest to the tourist. He ranked as one of the foremost citizens of the
state, was president of the Wine Growers' Association, and a member of the state
senate. Some two years since his old-time friends were much surprised and
grieved to read a newspaper announcement that he had committed suicide. Shortly
after another newspaper paragraph told the sad story that a bank at Los Angeles
had commenced foreclosure proceedings against his estate for the sum of
$150,000.
The Keosauqua Jeffersonian, Orlando E. Jones,
proprietor, corner of Dodge and the alley between First and Second streets. I
suppose the press used in printing this paper was the first, or among the first,
brought into Iowa. It was brought to the State by James Shepherd in the early
'40s. On it he printed the first newspaper published in the county, entitled The
Iowa Democrat. A few years later James B. Howell and James Cowles published
a paper entitled The Des Moines Valley Whig. In 1849 they bought The
Keokuk Register, moved to Keokuk and merged the two papers. For several
years they published a paper entitled The Des Moines Valley Whig and Keokuk
Register. From this has grown the present Gate City.
Among the families I recall in the submerged
district were those of Joel Walker, on the alley on Cass street; Wesley Walker,
on the opposite side of the same street; Francis Harrison and Elihu Hinkle, on
Dodge street between First and Second. Living below the lower bayou and near the
mill I remember the families of F. F. Anderson and Russo King, or
"Major" King as he was familiarly called. Between the upper and lower
bayous the water only reached to the land as far as Second street. I have lived
on the Des Moines river since 1840 and the flood of '51 was the highest water I
have known in that river.
In January, 1866, there was a spell of warm weather and
an ice gorge came down upon us at Keosauqua in the night time. The water and ice
reached about the same point as in the flood of 1851. This was a much severer
flood, though of short duration. It was the custom to ring the Congregational
church bell in case of fire. About 12 o'clock at night I was awakened by the
ringing of the bell. My wife said, "There must be a fire." I replied,
"No; I think it is water this time." When I got down to the river I
found the ice ad water overflowing its banks and the people making their escape
from the flood in all directions. In a short time the gorge gave way and the
water receded. In a little while it rose again so rapidly that some of the
merchants who had gone to their stores were caught and had to remain surrounded
by ice and water until the next morning. About 8 o'clock the gorge again gave
way, the water receded and the danger was over. There were immense ice piles in
the lagoons and in the streets which did not melt away until the next June.
Mr. Henri K. Pratt of Keokuk gives the following
reminisces of the flood of 1861 and some facts of the old history of Keosauqua.
I came to Keosauqua from Boston, Mass., when a small
boy in the winter of 1843, and in 1844 I received my first lesson in politics by
being instructed to "Hurrah for Polk and Dallas." In 1843 Jesse M.
Shepherd and L. L. T. Mitchell came to Keosauqua and started The Iowa Democrat.
In 1844 James Shepherd came to Keosauqua and took charge of it. This was before
any paper had been started in Keokuk. J. L. T. Mitchell published a paper called
The Keosauqua Times.
In 1850 Shepherd sold out to Orlando E. Jones who
published The Keosauqua Jeffersonian. This I will remember, for one day
the foreman, R. E. Bushean, and I were alone in the office. The foreman went
downtown to get a drink when the sheriff came in and attached the office and
locked it up, leaving me sitting on the doorstep. The foreman returned and his
language was more forcibly than elegant.
L. D. and H. Morris purchased The Jeffersonian and
published The Western American. L. D. Morris was a fine and brilliant
writer. Morris sold the office to H. and S. M. Mills and they published The
Democratic Union. Mills sold the paper in 1854 to Millington and Summerlin,
and they in turn sold it to J. M. Estes, who published The Democratic Mirror.
Estes was a better fiddler than editor. He sold the
paper to Oliver I. Taylor who published it as The Des Moines News. His
brother, John M. Taylor, was considered the best local writer in the State.
Oliver I. Taylor was a brilliant and scholarly man who could write better poetry
than politics. He sold the paper to Shepherd, who was called "the veteran
of the press." Shepherd sold the paper to a son of Dr. G. S. Bailey who
took the old Washington press out west.
James B. Howell and James H. Cowles started The Des
Moines Valley Whig in the '40s and published the paper until they removed to
Keokuk where they established The Whig and Register, now The Gate
City.
In 1855 H. C. Watkins came to Keosauqua and started
The Keosauqua Republican. Watkins sold the paper to John S. Stidger, he
sold to L. D. Morris, and Morris sold-it to Joel Mayne, and I think Mayne sold
it to Sloan and Rowley. Rowley still publishes the paper. James Shepherd died
years ago, beloved by all who knew him. He claimed to be the father of all the
Masons in Van Buren county, and it was he who first showed Masons the
"light" by which they read. J. M. Shepherd died in California a year
or so ago, and Mitchell was still living at last accounts.
Seth Millington died in California, and Rufus Summerlin
was living in Washington, D. C., when last heard from. Oliver I. TayIor died in
Burlington, Iowa, and his brother, John M., died the same month in 1860. H.
Mills died in Montreal, Canada, and S. M. Mills in Keokuk, Iowa.
I was a compositor
on The Western American, Democratic Union, and Des Moines News. I
then went to Santa Fe, New Mexico, and on my return I again worked a short time
for Shepherd. This was my last work as a compositor. J. S. Shepherd, a son of
James Shepherd, is now publishing a paper at Mt. Ayr, Iowa.
I well remember the flood of 1851; the water was all
over the front part of the town from two to ten feet deep, and the merchants had
to flee to the hilly country. We lived on First street, one block from the
levee, in a house where now stands the State Bank. The water rose over our
doorstep.
I well remember Delazon Smith, the little giant orator,
and Henry Clay Dean, with his eloquence and dirty shirt. Dean used to hold
revival meetings in the old court house where sinners were nightly melted like
old pewter and run up into christians bright and new. Dean died at his house,
called "Rebels Cove," in Missouri, some years ago. Delazon Smith died
in Oregon.
Keosauqua has furnished four United States Senators—D.
Smith, Gen. G. Wright, James B. Howell and John H. Gear. Perhaps I have made
some errors in my statements, for it is hard to remember so many things away
back in my boyhood days.
In the ANNALS OF IOWA, January, 1901, is an article on
the flood from The Western American, published at Keosauqua, July 5,1851.
It is a very graphic account of the situation at that time. In the same paper of
the date of August 9th, there appears this card:
C. C. Nourse,
attorney at law, Keosauqua, Iowa. Office in the Court House. N. B. Conveyancing,
&c., promptly attended to. Address, post paid.
Mr. C. C. Nourse, now of Des Moines, arrived at
Keosauqua about June 1,1851, "between floods," as one might say. After
graduating at Transylvania college he started from Lexington, Ky., for the west
by the way of Louisville, by boat. Thence up the swollen Mississippi to St.
Louis and thence by steamboat to Burlington. The river was full of flood debris,
consisting of fences, sidewalks, outhouses, farm houses, some of them with live
chickens on the roof and stock of various kinds, corn, and in fact almost every
article which would float, giving evidence of devastation by water seldom
equalled. Arriving at Burlington he stopped at the Barrett House, now no more,
but which has sheltered many thousands of people seeking homes in the west.
Here, in the solitude of his room, he held a "council of war" with
himself as to where in Iowa he had better locate. He had been provided with
general letters of introduction by Gen. T. A. Edwards and President Dodd, of
Transylvania college, and had also a letter from the pastor of the Methodist
church of which he was a member. He very wisely concluded to look up Rev. Mr.
Dennis, having charge of the Methodist church at Burlington, whom he found to be
a very affable and kind-hearted man. The supreme court was then in session, and
as the minister was well acquainted with Judges J. F. Kinney, Joseph Williams
and Geo. F. Greene, he took Mr. Nourse to their rooms at the Barrett House after
the day's session was over and introduced him. He found one of the judges in the
very undignified position of lying on his back playing the flute, for Judge
Joseph Williams was the master of many musical instruments. After the ice had
been broken the little company indulged in many jokes and pleasantries. In
asking Mr. Nourse some questions it leaked out in some way that he was the
possessor of a diploma from Transylvania college.
"Where is your diploma?" asked Judge
Williams.
"In one of my trunks in my room," answered
Mr. Nourse.
"Let us have a look at it," requested the
musical judge.
It was quickly produced; but horrors! it was written in
Latin, and as none of the judges were very well acquainted with the dead
languages they had to do considerable guessing before they arrived at the
correct results, modestly aided by Mr. Nourse, who knew the language of the
diploma by heart and the interpretation thereof. It was suggested that on the
morrow Mr. Nourse should be admitted to the bar. It was usual in those days to
appoint a committee to examine candidates for admission, and one of the judges
suggested it, but Judge Williams interposed: "It is entirely unnecessary in
this case. The candidate is all right. The clerk will please make out his
certificate of admission."
And Clerk J. W. Woods, "Old Timber" as he was
familiarly called, made out the necessary document and affixed the seal.
Hearing of an opening in the law office of Mr. Ben Hall
of Keosauqua, Mr. Nourse determined to start for that place at once. He left for
Keokuk by stage, and thence to Utica Post Office. The stage driver, Theodore
Hohbrecker, in his anxiety to attend a dance at Keosauqua that evening, did not
wait for stage connection or anything else, for a dance in those days without a
full complement of stage drivers would have been a very tame affair. So to avoid
staying one more day on the road, although his fare had been paid, Mr. Nourse
concluded to walk to his destination, ten miles away, over muddy roads and with
only twenty cents in his pocket.
On arriving at Keosauqua, footsore, mud-be- splashed
and weary, he made anything but a presentable appearance. He made application
for board at the house of Mrs. Stannard (mother of ex-Governor Stannard of St.
Louis), but she looked upon him with suspicion as there had been a number of
horses stolen in the county of late, and in her judgment the applicant for board
looked as if he needed a horse more than anything else. He answered all her
questions truthfully, but did not fully satisfy her, and though at last she gave
a reluctant consent to his staying, he did not accept it, but sought out the
Keosauqua House, kept by "Father" Shepherd, which became his home so
long as he remained unmarried. During the high water which followed, he traveled
his office to the hotel in a skiff, landed on a couple of benches at the door
and climbed to the dining room for meals. Henry Clay Dean was the Methodist
preacher at place in those days. Among others living there were Delazon Smith,
Josiah Bonney, James Kennesly who owned the water mill site, Ezra Jones,
father-in-law of L. J. Rose who afterwards went to California, and George
Duffield who has lived on his beautiful farm overlooking the Des Moines river
for more than half a century. Mr. Nourse removed to Des Moines in 1858.
With the telling of the story of the flood at Keosauqua is
told, also, that of Bentonsport, Bonaparte, Croton, Athena, Farmington, St.
Francisville, and other settlements, for they also flooded and the inhabitants
on the low grounds were compelled to vacate for the time being. The channel at
the river's mouth at that time was more than a mile wide and while nature, with
her healing hands, has planted thousands of willows and cottonwoods in the
deserted excavations to hide the wounds of that eventful year, a practiced eye
can readily mark out the boundary of the flood and imagination can easily
picture the thousands of pieces of debris which floated out upon the broad bosom
of the Mississippi, entailing a loss upon the pioneer settlers which could never
be estimated in sordid dollars and cents.
Some of the counties of Iowa bordering on the Missouri
river, especially Monona and Harrison through which the Big and Little Sioux
passed, were completely inundated, and the brave pioneers who were seeking homes
in that part of Iowa had many watery adventures. In order to give the reader an
idea of the waste of waters of that flood year, an extract is given from the
"Personal Narrative of Charles Lapenteur," a French explorer who
sought a home in Harrison county:
About the 15th of May [l851], when Mr. Honore Picotte
came down from Fort Pierre in a Mackinaw, I embarked with him bound for
Sergeant's Bluffs, from which place I intended to go down to my claim by land.
We had had a great deal of rain. The Missouri, as well as all other streams, had
overflowed their banks, and the bottoms were all inundated. I had to remain
about fifteen days at Sergeant's Bluffs waiting for the roads to become
practicable. I purchased four Indian ponies, two French carts, and hired a guide
at $2 a day to pilot me through the water, for there was very little dry land to
be seen between this and my place. About the last of May or first of June my
guide said he thought he could get me through, so we hitched up and started. The
fourth day after traveling through mud and water, we reached a place called
Silver Lake. Our ponies were then nearly broken down, although they had not made
over 35 miles during the four days. As this was the best part of the road my
guide said that it would be impossible for us to reach my place with the carts,
that we still had 25 miles to make, "and," said he, "you have not
seen anything yet; wait till we get near the ferry." He advised making
horse travailles," which consist of two long poles tied about three feet
apart extending eight or ten feet at the far ends, which drag on the ground,
with crossbars fastened to them behind the horse, so as to make a kind of
platform on which plunder is loaded.
The travailles being thus prepared and the children
loaded on them, we proceeded on our journey. Having made about 10 miles we
camped at Laidlow's grove, which was afterward called Ashton's grove and goes by
that name still. We were then 16 miles from my place, which we had to reach next
day or camp in the water as there was no dry place to be found. We could have
made that distance easily in a half day had the road been good. We rose early,
and having placed the children to the best advantage on this kind of conveyance,
got under march, not expecting to stop for lunch as there was no fit place. On
we went, my guide taking the lead, I behind him leading a pony, and my woman
behind me also leading one. The nearer we came to the ferry the deeper the water
became and the sun was already approaching the western horizon. Finally it came
up to the armpit of my guide, and the children were dragged almost afloat on
their travailles, crying and lamenting, saying, "Father, we will drown-we
are going to die in this water-turn back." At times the ponies were
swimming, but there was no use of turning back; the timber on the dry land ahead
of us was the nearest point; there was nothing to be seen behind us but a sheet
of water, and the sun was nearly down. So we pushed on, in spite of the
distressing cries of the children, whom we landed safely on dry ground just at
dark.
We had not eaten a bite since morning, but the children
were so tired, and had been so frightened, that they laid down and, in spite of
the mosquitoes which were tremendously bad, went to sleep without asking for
supper. This was certainly one of the most distressing days I had ever
experienced, but we old folks felt like taking a good cup of coffee after such a
day's work. A fire was immediately made, the coffee was soon served, and no time
was lost in turning in for the night. The next morning we did not rise very
early, but took our time, got up a good breakfast, and then called out for the
boatmen. Silas Condit and Amos Chase, both Mormons, the gentlemen of whom I had
purchased the place, came to ferry me over, and in a little while I was in my
log cabin about 15 feet square. As I had left the carts and my effects at Silver
Lake I left the ponies on the other side intending to return next day, but as it
seemed impossible to bring my stuff through that deep water with my ponies and
carts, I arranged with Mr. Chase to meet me with a yoke of cattle hitched to a
large canoe. With that understanding I started next morning with my guide. We
pushed the march and arrived at Silver Lake about 10 o'clock at night. Then a
tremendous dark cloud arose in the west, and just as we were going to take
supper-about the hour of 11-it blew a hurricane, or rather a whirlwind
(cyclone), which took our lodge clear up into the air, and then blew the fire
into the baggage. It was all we could do to save our plunder, and the lodge we
did not find till next day. The latter was so suddenly taken up that we felt
like two fools for a moment, not knowing what had become of it. Our supper, as
you may say, was good as gone; but, fortunately for us, it was all wind.
The missing articles were hunted up next day, and
providentially there came along an acquaintance of Mr. Larpenteur, with a wagon
and four yokes of oxen and a bargain was made to take him to his destination.
The baggage and supplies were loaded into the big wagon, and the return trip was
made with comparative comfort. The man who had been engaged to meet him with the
oxen and the big canoe was met on the way, and, turning back, joined the watery
procession. And this was travel and pioneering in Monona and Harrison counties,
Iowa, fifty-one years ago. The location of Mr. Larpenteur's cabin was in
Harrison county, two and one-half miles south of the Monona county line. Charles
Larpenteur, the explorer and pioneer, died November 15, 1872, and was buried as
he requested under a low-spreading red cedar near the site of his old cabin. The
grave is marked by a small marble slab, giving name, date of birth and death.
The spot is historic and should be carefully cherished by the pioneers of
Harrison county.
Fifty-one years ago the sun at intervals peeped through
the rifts of watery clouds upon the flooded earth, finding here and there a
fruitful field upon the highlands in this sparsely settled State. So he looks
down today through the heat of July upon the most productive land of the world;
the growing corn in great green waves and the cattle on a thousand hills,
hearing in anticipation the hum of the thresher intermingling with the
"Harvest Home" song of a happy, prosperous people. Fifty-one years! Is
it not reward enough to have lived and wrought in such a glorious State more
than half a century?
BREAKING PRAIRIE.
BY HON. L. S. COFFIN.
How few of our people who have been residents of
Iowa the last quarter of the last century, either by immigration or by birth,
have any conception of the meaning of the expression, "breaking
prairie!" The old prairie breaking plow has disappeared from eight as
completely as the elk and the buffalo. So true is this, that the authorities of
our State Agricultural College have been hunting for one for the museum of that
institution, as an object-lesson and a reminder to their students of the days
and ways of early farm life on the prairies, of which they know very little or
nothing.
Let us permit the old "breaking-plow" to
stand in its wide furrow of 20 to 32 inches, a few minutes, while we digress far
enough from our subject to wish it were possible that other object-lesson could
be laid before the students of our grand institution of learning at Ames. That
object-lesson if my wish could be realized, would be an average 100-acre New
England farm, as it was fifty to seventy years ago and as it is to-day, with all
its appliances, laid down there near the college farm. The young and middle-aged
people of this State, who have been born in Iowa and live on its rockless,
hillless, stumpless and matchless soil, hare but little realizing sense of the
incomparable advantages they have in being residents of such a State.
It is the custom with many of the graduates of our
institutions of learning, to spend a year or more abroad. I could wish that the
graduates from the agricultural course could go to some of the New England
states and work a year or so on. The benefit would be almost incalculable. But
we cannot now take the time to explain how and why. To many of the farmers of
Iowa, who were New England born, no explanation is needed.
But to return to the old prairie breaking-plow which we
left standing in the furrow. How shall I introduce the younger readers of The
ANNALS OF IOWA to it? I hope its editor may be able to secure a picture of a
real bona fide old prairie breaking-plow. All attempts to present a word
picture of it must fail to give any person who has never seen one a true idea of
the real thing. These plows, as a rule, were very large. They were made to cut
and turn a furrow from twenty to thirty inches wide and sometimes even wider.
The beam was a straight stick of strong timber seven to twelve feet long. The
forward end of this beam was carried by a pair of trucks or wheels, and into the
top of the axle of the wheels were framed two stout, upright pieces just far
enough apart to allow the forward end of the plow-beam to nicely fit in between
them. To the forward end of the beam and top of it, there was fastened by a link
or clevis, a long lever running between these stout standards in the axle of
trucks, and fastened to them by a strong bolt running through both standards and
lever; this bolt, acting as a fulcrum the lever, was in easy reach of the man
having charge of plow. By raising or depressing the rear end of this lever the
depth of the furrow wee gauged, and by depressing the lever low enough, the plow
could be thrown entirely out of the ground. One of the wheels of the truck ran
in the furrow and was from two to four inches larger than the one that ran on
the sod. This, of course, was necessary so as to have an even level rest for the
forward end of the plow-beam. The mould-boards of these plows were sometimes
made of wood protected by narrow strips of steel or band-iron, and fastened to
the mould-board. In some cases these mould-boards were made entirely of iron
rods, which generally gave the best satisfaction. The share of these plows—"shear,"
as we western folks called it—had to be made of the very beat a so as to carry
a keen edge. The original prairie sod was one of small tough roots, and hence
the necessity of a razor like edge on the "shear" to secure good work
and ease to the team.
And next, the "prairie-breaking" plow team?
Who sees the like of it today? A string of from three to six yokes of oxen
hitched to this long plow-beam, the driver clad in somewhat of a cowboy style,
and armed with a whip, the handle of which resembled a long, slender
fishing-rod, with a lash that when wielded by an expert was so severe that the
oxen had learned to fear it as much as the New England oxen did the Yankee
ox-goad with its brad.
The season for "breaking prairie" varied as
the spring and summer were early or late, wet or dry. The best results were had
by beginning to plow after the grass had a pretty good start, and quitting the
work some time before it s ready for the scythe. The main object aimed at was to
secure as complete a rotting of the sod as possible. To this end the plow was
gauged to cut only one and one-half to two inches deep. Then, if the mould-board
was so shaped as to "kink" the sod as it was turned over; all the
better, as in the early days of "prairie-breaking" very little use was
made of ground the first year. The object was to have the land in as good a
shape as possible for sowing wheat the following spring. A dry season, thin
breaking, "kinky" furrows, and not too long breaking accomplished
this, and made the putting in of wheat the following spring an easy task. But on
the contrary, if broken too deeply, and the furrows laid flat and smooth, or in
a wet season, or if broken too late, the job of seeding the wheat on tough sod
was a hard and slow one. The outfit for "prairie-breaking" was usually
about as follows: three to six yokes of oxen, a covered wagon, a small kit of
tools, and among these always a good assortment of files for sharpening the
plow-share, a few cooking utensils, and sometimes a dog and pony. The oxen, when
the day's work was done, were turned loose to feed on the grass. To one or more
was attached a far-sounding bell, so as to betray their whereabouts at all
times. The pony and dog came in, good play for company, and in gathering up the
oxen when wanted. The season for breaking would average about two months. The
price per acre for breaking varied from $2.50 to $4.50, as the man was boarded
or as he "found himself." In latter years when it was learned that
flax could be raised to good advantage on new breaking, and that it helped to
rot the sod, the breaking season commenced much earlier.
Three yokes of good-sized oxen drawing a 24-inch plow
with two men to manage the work, would ordinarily break about two acres a day;
five yokes with a 36-inch plow, requiring no more men to "run the
machine," would break three acres a day. When the plow was kept running
continuously, the "shear" had to be taken to the blacksmith often as
once a week to be drawn out thin, so that a keen knife-edge could be easily put
on it with a file, by the men who managed the plow. If the team was going around
80-acre tract of prairie, the "lay" or "shear" had to be
filed after each round to do the best work. The skillful "breaker"
tried to run his plow one and one-half inches deep and deeper. This was for the
purpose of splitting the sod across the mass of tough fibrous roots, which had
lain undisturbed for uncounted years and had formed a network of interlaced
sinews as difficult to cut as india rubber, where the prairie was inclined to be
wet; and it was not easy to find an entire 80-acre tract that was not
intersected with numerous "sloughs," across which the breaking-plow
had to run. In many places the sod in these "sloughs" was so tough
that it was with the greatest difficulty that the plow could be put in the
ground. If it ran out of the ground, this tough, leathery sod would flop back
into the furrow as swiftly as the falling of a row of bricks set up on end, and
the man and driver had to turn the long ribbon of tough sod over by hand- if
they could not make a "balk." In the flat, wet prairie, it sometimes
took from two to three years for the tough sod to decompose sufficiently to
produce a full crop. The plow had be kept in perfect order to turn this kind of
prairie sod and the "lay" had to have an edge as keen as a scythe do
good work. There were usually two "lays" or "shears" fitted
to each plow, so that the team need not be idle while the boy with the mustang
went often from five to eight miles to the nearest blacksmith to get a
"lay" sharpened. Sometimes the oxen would stray off among the
"barrens," or follow the course of some stream for miles and hide
among the willows to take a vacation, and frequently they were not found until
after two or three days of weary search by the men and boy, while the plow which
ought to be earning six or nine dollars a day was lying idle on the great
prairie.
There were men who equipped "a brigade" for
breaking and carried on a thriving business from about the first day of May to
the end of July.
When the rush of immigration began in the spring of
1854, there were not nearly enough breaking-teams in the country to supply the
demand. In some cases the "new-comers" would consent to have a portion
of their prairie farms broken up in April, and on this early breaking they would
plant "sod corn." The process was simple, a man with an axe would
follow the line of every second or third furrow, strike the blade deep in the
ground, a boy or girl would follow and drop three or four kernels of corn into
the hole and bring one foot down "right smart" on the hole in the sod,
and the deed were done. No cultivation were required for planting, and in the
fall a half crop of corn was frequently gathered without expense. Those who were
not able to get breaking done at the best time for subduing the sod were often
glad to have some done in the latter part of July or the first half of August.
So for several years the "breaking brigades" were able to run their
teams for four months each year, and it was profitable business.
With all the crudeness, with all the exposure, with all
the privations and hard times—for there were hard times in those days—yet,
the passing of those pioneer days with the quaint old "prairie
breaking-plow," the string of oxen, the old prairie-schooner wagon, the elk
and deer, with now and then a buffalo, the prairie chickens, the
"dug-outs", sod houses and log cabins, give to us old pioneer settlers
a tinge of sadness difficult to express in words; for with all these have gone a
great deal of that community and fellowship of neighborhood feeling, so common
and so heartily expressed from one to another in the abounding hospitality and
in the kindly exchange of help in those days. Then those living miles apart were
friends and neighbors. Now the families living on adjoining quarter sections are
strangers. Today it seems that each one thinks he must "go alone," as
did the old "prairie breaking-plow," which usually did go it alone,
for it was so constructed as to hold itself; except at the beginning and at the
end of the furrows there was little handling of the rear end of the long
lever; it was easily made to take the sod and to leave it at the farther
end.
While we say good-bye to this bygone
"breaking-plow," let us not forget that it—like those early and
hardy pioneers rude though they were in some respects, like the old plow and
other tools in that day—has bequeathed to us, who reaping the rich harvest of
their sowing, an inheritance which we can be proud, and for which I most truly
hope are grateful.
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