SECTION X.
JOHN BROWN IN CEDAR COUNTY.
submitted by Linda Stoddard, February 27, 2011, pages 410-451

To view illustrations in section click here
Volumes have been written about this man whose name is forever associated with the history of this county. His history, in a general way, is known to some extent by almost everyone, but few are really concerned with the nearer history of this man in Iowa and in our own immediate vicinity. Some material in this chapter is first hand, sent directly to the editor from one immediately concerned in the living events of that time. They are much alive when one of the survivors of that interesting band will now give in his own way a description of what occurred and an idea of the character of the men whom he knew personally. Such personal accounts have not been heretofore published and the full text is given as we proceed through this chapter. No attempt will be made to cover a history of John Brown, only the portion relating to this immediate vicinity and that which came just before and after, in this way preserving as near as possible what has been written and any original matter that may be procured. One must be indebted to many sources in such summaries and the references explain these.

"It was about the close of the presidential campaign of 1856 that Brown first visited Iowa City and the Pedee settlement. He was then on his way east from Kansas and was accompanied by one of his sons." 260   The reasons for his coming through the territory are probably more than one. The article quoted above goes on to say that,


"The Hon. W. Penn Clarke (1866, colonel and paymaster in the army) was the member of the Kansas National Committee for Iowa, and his residence was in Iowa City, making this town the chief headquarters west of the Mississippi for those who were Kansas sympathizers. To this point, money, arms, clothing, and other supplies were forwarded for distribution to those engaged in Kansas relief. After leaving Grinnell, where he always found a welcome, Brown's next point of safety was found at Pedee in Iowa township, this county. He might be supplied with what he happened to need in Iowa City, but his safety could never be depended upon since many were ready to deliver him up to the authorities if opportunity offered.


It was in October, 1856, that Brown alighted from his mule in front of the 'Travelers' Rest,' which was the name of the little frame tavern kept by James Townsend in West Branch, then a small village on the west line of Springdale township. Brown asked the landlord if he had ever heard of John Brown of Kansas, after which simple introduction the landlord proceeded to chalk John Brown's hat and mule, so that both were afterward on the free list at the 'Travelers' Rest.' As the story is told an X was placed on Brown's hat, two XX's on his back and one finally on the back of the mule. Some say that a mutual exchange of entertainment by thrilling stories from Brown for food and shelter may be surmised. As for the mule he liked his treatment so well that he continued to reside in the Pedee settlement until his history is lost, beyond the fact that he was the most petted and pampered mule in the settlement, the envied of all for ease and contentment at the home of J. H. Painter, of Springdale."


"Brown was in the Springdale settlement several times from '56 to '59, but the principal events occur during his later visits. These visits to Pedee settlement generally had a two-fold object—promotion of the Kansas Free State cause and the concealment of negroes, but his last visits were made chiefly with a view to perfecting his plans for a military expedition, accumulating arms, drilling his men, and taking measures for making this region a sort of base of operations preliminary to the attack on Harper's Ferry in 1859, which, according to his plan as found later, was one year after the time scheduled."

Early in the winter of '57-'58 Brown for the fifth time visited the Quaker settlements of Cedar County determined, as it now appears, to spend the winter there in preparation for his Harper's Ferry raid, the plan of which he then disclosed to some of his trusted friends—James Townsend, John H. Painter, Dr. H. C. Gill, Wm. Maxson, and probably others. On this occasion he was accompanied by his band, consisting of the following: His son Owen, A. D. Stevens, John Kagi, John E. Cook, Richard Realf, Chas. W. Moffatt, Luke F. Parsons, Chas. H. Tidd, Wm. Leeman and Richard Richardson, the latter a colored man, who with his wife and three children had made his escape from slavery in Missouri.

Stevens had been an enlisted man in the United States regular service, and getting into an altercation with a commissioned officer (Colonel Longstreet, said to be the same General Longstreet of the Confederate army) he was court-martialed and sentenced to be shot, but escaping had joined Brown. Kagi, Brown's favorite, was about thirty years old and a native of Virginia. He had a fair education, was a ready speaker, and an excellent stenographer. Realf was the poet, claiming to have been a protege of Lady Noel Byron, widow of the poet, and to have left England for participating in the chartist riots in 1848. During the Kansas war he was a correspondent for the New York Tribune." (He was one who failed to appear at Harper's Ferry.) The sketches of these followers of Brown are given more fully farther on by one of their associates at Springdale, Luke F. Parsons.

Besides those who came from Kansas with Brown a number joined him from the county. Among these were Geo. B. Gill, Coppock brothers, Edwin and Barclay, and Stewart Taylor. Gill became the "secretary of the treasury" in Brown's provisional government. He was detached from the party in Canada and returning to his home seems to have no further connection with the expedition.

"Brown quartered his men during the winter at the home of Wm. Maxson, three miles northeast of Springdale, in the house now known in all the surrounding country as the first cement or gravel house ever built in this state. Mr. Maxson bought the farm on which it stands from the government in 1839, and this house was built in 1849. Here Brown's men were trained for the projected raid. Brown himself had his quarters at the home of John H. Painter, about a mile distant, and the men were under the immediate command of Stevens, who was drill master.


"Each hour of the twenty-four had its particular duty. The men were required to rise at five in the morning and drill and study alternated during the daylight hours. With the exception of Tuesday and Friday, when regular debates were assigned and all required to attend, their evenings were spent much as they pleased.


"In the mock legislature one of the sons of William Maxson remembers that he served as the honorable member from Cedar County. The sessions were held in the large sitting room of the Maxsons or in the district school building, a mile and a half away. There were the usual officers, a speaker, clerk of the house and regular standing committees. Bills were introduced, referred, reported back, debated with earnestness and no little ability, and finally brought to a vote. Kagi was the keenest debater and Realf and Cook orators of considerable power. 261  


"The other evenings were spent at homes in the neighborhood. There were the Painters, the Lewises, the Varneys, the Gills, that could be visited; or Richard Realf had consented to address the lyceum at Pedee, and all Springdale was going to hear him; this in part for the pleasure of hearing so good a speaker, but more perhaps because of the anti-slavery views to which he would doubtless give utterance to the amazement and scandal of those who were not in harmony with his views.


"Brown himself did "not remain at Springdale during the entire winter, but soon went east to find and send back Forbes (whom he had expected to drill the men), to raise more money, and to confer with others. Before going he took occasion to consult with his friends, Maxson, Gill, and Painter. What he disclosed to them is substantially the same as disclosed to Gerrett Smith and F. B. Sanborn at Peterboro, N. Y.—a scheme to invade Virginia. He intimated to Gill at least, that the point of invasion would be Harper's Ferry.


"These men endeavored to dissuade him from such an attempt, Mr. Maxson on more than one occasion sitting far into the night contending with Brown on the practicability of his scheme. Brown was unchanged, his faith in his band and his belief in his own mission left him still determined.


"The persons who harbored and with money and counsel assisted John Brown on the several occasions when he visited Iowa City and the Pedee or Springdale settlement, and to whom we are indetbed for the facts of this imperfectly written narrative (1866), are citizens of the highest respectability, and some of the most eminent standing as will be seen from the mention of their names, and they all, though far from approving the chief act of his life which has made Brown's name historic, believed him to be actuated by the highest motives." 262  


At the time John Brown's men were staying at Springdale there were living with their mother in the village in a quaint frame house yet standing the Coppock brothers, mentioned on a previous page. They were young men of strong character, but it seems one was not strong physically and had found it necessary to travel, having served for a time in Kansas with a company of liberators. They both took much interest in Brown and his men and finally enlisted under his leadership. 263  

On April 27th, Brown returned from the East with some funds in hand and more promised, and gave orders for the expedition to move. He wrote to his wife, "We start today from here and shall write you again when we stop, which will be in two or three days." The immediate destination of the band proved to be Chatham, Canada. The leave-taking at Springdale was an emotional one. Ties which had been knitting through many weeks were sundered. The future was in doubt and the consciousness that great danger threatened the party intensified the sorrow. Before quitting the home of Wm. Maxson, where they had spent so long a time, each of Brown's men wrote his name in pencil on the wall of the parlor, where the writing could at a time quite recent be seen by the interested traveler. The part of the wall where the names were written was protected by a door opening against it, and to this cause doubtless is chiefly due the preservation of the writing for so long a time.

The old house, as shown in the picture, is still standing but for a good while has been unoccupied. It is falling into decay, yet is full of interest. The boundaries of the old drill ground can still be made out by patient attention. Old evergreen trees still shade the structure on all sides. The path that formerly led to the front door is grass grown and obstructed, but still can be traced between the two large lilac bushes that today stand on either side of it as in Brown's day. The large west front room in which the mock assembly was held is now used as a store room. Then the commodious kitchen, where the meals were served by Mrs. Maxson—a woman as resolute in her abolitionism as was her husband in his. This old kitchen was on the north of the house. And the small attic bedroom where Owen Brown used to practice his short-hand, which he was learning from Kagi, and where all the band slept. The cellar of the old house is hardly less interesting than the house itself, for in it in the days of slavery, the owner was constantly hiding small parties of fugitive negroes from Missouri. The fireplace, by which it was made comfortable in winter, may still be seen, but it is not now in working order.

The events that took place in Canada and subsequent abandonment of the attack in 1858 are told in the account of Luke F. Parsons.

The last visit of Brown to Springdale occurred in 1859 on February 25th on his return from Kansas where he had gone after the postponement of the attack in Virginia. He was then accompanied by a party of negroes captured in Missouri. He had brought them thus far through Iowa by the help of friends, and found a safe place for the time at his former headquarters. He was in danger from capture from an organized force in Iowa City and by the United States Marshal. Kagi and Stephens disguised as sportsmen walked to Iowa City and secured aid from the Wm. Penn Clarke mentioned before. By strategy a freight car was secured, brought to West Liberty, six miles from Springdale, and the negroes put aboard after much excitement and some apprehension on the part of those immediately concerned.

In this connection it is sufficient to say that Brown and his party escaped safely into Canada by the aid of Allan Pinkerton, the famous Chicago detective. Brown continued his journey east and after a hurried trip back to Ohio and soon into Pennsylvania. On July 3 he and his two sons, Owen and Oliver, were at Harper's Ferry where they met Cook. On July 15th, Brown wrote Edwin and Barclay Coppock at Springdale requesting that they join him at Chambersburg, Pennsylvania. On July 25 Barclay Coppock said to his mother,

"We are going to start for Ohio today." "Ohio," said the mother, "I believe you are going with Old Brown, when you get the halters round your neck, will you think of me?"

C. W. Moffatt, who had returned to Springdale, received the following from Kagi:

"We hear that a warrant has been issued to search our house (in Virginia on the Kennedy farm), so we must move eight days sooner than we had intended. Start at once, study map, will try to hold out until you come."

In November Mrs. Ann Coppock received a letter from her son Edwin. It was dated Charlestown, Va., and told briefly of his capture. It ended with these words:

"Give my love to Briggs' and Maxson's folks and to all other inquiring friends for of such I feel that I have a large circle, and I trust that what I have done will not make them my enemies. My love to all the family, no more." About the same time Dr. Gill received a letter which read as follows: "Whatever may be our fate, rest assured that we shall not shame our dead comrades by a shrinking fear." After his trial on December 16, Coppock wrote to Mr. J. H. Painter: "Today we have received a box of knick-knacks from Philadelphia, and some of the citizens around here send us in a pie now and then, so you see we live fat, but it is only fattening up for the gallows—a poor consolation." 264  


His last words were to an uncle in Ohio: "I have heard my sentence passed, my doom is sealed, but two brief days between me and eternity. At the end of these two days I shall stand upon the scaffold. But that scaffold has little dread for me, for I honestly believe I am innocent of any crime justifying such punishment."

The following is of extraordinary interest:

"Dear Elza, Farewell. Edwin Coppock."


This was addressed to a son of Wm. Maxson, but he did not receive this message until Edwin Coppock had been in his grave for twenty-six years. The reasons are given as follows:


When Coppock left Springdale for Harper's Ferry he took a picture of his friend, an ambrotype, with him. The picture could be removed from the case and just before his execution, Edwin Coppock removed the picture and wrote on the back where it was accustomed to rest the message quoted. Replacing the picture it was placed among his personal effects and returned to his mother. By chance the picture remained in the possession of Mrs. Coppock until her death. Among other matter considered as unimportant it was thrown in a corner of the Coppock house and forgotten. It happened one day that Mr. Maxson, to whom it originally belonged, came upon it, and "under some peculiar spell," as Mr. Richman says, "opened the case to find the message after so many years."

The following are from the originals in the possession Mr. J. Maxson of West Liberty, Iowa: [see Illustrations]

"Charlestown Jail, Va., Dec. 15, 1859.
"Mr. Wm. Maxson and Family:
      "Accept with these hasty lines my love. Thanks for all your kindness and your friendship in the past and my last farewell. May God bless you one and all. Farewell until we meet beyond Death's River.
      "Ever and truly yours,
      "JOHN E. COOK."


On the reverse side is this message:
     "Stevens and Coppoc(k) send their love. C—c(k) also wishes me to bid you farewell for him. Ever yours,
     "J. E. COOK."


"Charlestown Jail, Va., Feb. 15, 1860.
"My Dear Sister:
     "Yours of Jan. 30 I have received, and it is a great consolation to know that I am still remembered. My mind often travels back to Springdale, to the many dear friends I am wed to in soul and although I never expect to see you again in this world, you all will be retained in my soul until we meet beyond this green earth.
     "I grow stronger in spiritualism every day of my life and I hope you will use every exertion to get brothers and sisters to investigate this great phenomena, and not condemn it until they know it is false. I shall come to converse with you from the Spirit land if circumstances are so that I can and I hope I shall be able to throw more light on the spiritual theory.
     "My trial is over and I expect to take my exit from this world on the sixteenth of March. Whatever my fate may be, I am ready to meet it, trusting all to truth and justice. To die for loving the rights of man is rather hard, but it is sweet to bear.
     "Give my love to all inquiring friends. Yours truly through all eternity,
     "AARON D. STEVENS.


     "P. S.—I am in good health, never felt bettor (better) in body or mind and I hope this will find you the same. Yours to the last,
     "A. D. S."

Just before the departure from Springdale Cook wrote a poem in appreciation of the kindness of Mrs. Maxson. A few of the stanzas are quoted to bring out some of the sentiment that finds expression there. The original may be found at Mr. J. Maxson's with the letters above:

"The following lines are respectfully dedicated to our mother, Mrs. Hannah Maxson:

"Swift the moments now are flying,
And the parting hour draws near,
For, before this day is dying,
I shall dwell no longer here.

"But my mem'ry still will linger,
O'er the pleasant home I've known,
And I oft shall think of mother,
And the happy day that's flown.

"For a mother thou dost seem
Unto each and every one.

"We are grateful, deeply grateful,
For the favors you have shown,
And our hearts we trust are thankful,
For the love that we have known.

"Now we part and if forever,
Then forever fare thee well."

He signs himself in this manner: "The son of thy adoption. "J. E. COOK."

Shortly before Brown's last departure from the Quaker settlement he sold such plunder as mules, harness, wagons, etc. In such business John H. Painter, then a justice of the peace, was made the trusted assistant. It was Painter who, after Brown had gone, shipped the latter's Sharpe's rifles and revolvers—196 in all—marked carpenter's tools. They were billed from West Liberty to Harper's Ferry to some unknown party.

The capture of Harper's Ferry, the battle, and all that followed, until the execution of the prisoners, was of vital interest to all the former friends at Springdale, and it came nearer when the attention of the country was centered on this part of the United States after the return of Barclay Coppock. Few who pass and repass the monument in the library square in Tipton, know or care, that it bears the name of the one person who returned to the county after that momentous event in Virginia.

After a journey of many weeks through the mountains of Pennsylvania, Barclay Coppock reached Springdale on December 17, 1859. He was thin and haggard after his adventures. A warm reception awaited him since he was probably given up long before as a lost man. His brother Edwin and Cook had been executed at Charlestown the day before his arrival in Cedar County. Still he was hunted by Virginia authorities, and officers were sent to capture him or demand his surrender by the governor of Iowa on requisition from Virginia's governor. He did not want for protection since a guard was in constant readiness to appear if danger from any source threatened.

"Among those enlisted in this manner were some who, as on a certain famous occasion in Pennsylvania, afforded the unusual spectacle of the close juxtaposition of a musket and a broad-brimmed hat." 265   A requisition from Gov. Wise was presented to Gov. Kirkwood for the delivery of Coppock to an officer from Virginia. The papers in the first case having been found defective a second attempt was made, but friends kept him warned of all that was occurring. He could not be induced at first to leave his friends, preferring to fight it out in Cedar County.

The following letter from Hon. J. W. Cattell was written in an endeavor to put Coppock into a safe place, and was published for the first time in the Davenport Gazette of February 2, 1878:

"Des Moines, Jan. 30, 1860.
"H. C. Gill, Esq., Dear Sir—Yours of the 25th inst. is received. I am astonished that notwithstanding all the advice given and all the circumstances, he 'Coppock) will as implied in yours, and others, (letters) persist in staying at the hazard of his life and that of some of his friends. I cannot for the life of me see how he or his friends can justify his staying when in doing so he is liable at any day to involve all in difficulty and may be the cause of bloodshed, and that too without the possibility of any good result….I have no doubt from what I have heard expressed but that if C. stays and should fall into the hands of the Virginians and their abettors and entangle some of his friends, or lead to loss of life, many who are now his friends will cease to be such, and much of the sympathy will disappear.


The govenor will, as a matter of course, indeed he could not do otherwise, than give the man up whenever the papers are presented in legal form. . . . The staying then places the governor in a very unpleasant predicament and others with him. One object in sending the messenger (Coppock had been warned by special messenger from friends in Des Moines before this of the presentation of the papers) was that he might get out of the way. We suppose, and are indeed fully persuaded that they will either attempt to arrest him without warrant or return as soon as possible to Virginia for papers in proper shape and apply again to the governor. Should they return here it will be in the course of a week and if they should get the authority it would be impossible for us to get any word to you ahead of the writ without sending a special messenger, and if he and his friends are disposed to take the law into their own hands and disregard all advice I don't know that it will be of any profit or benefit to send special messengers at so much expense.


Before his friends advise him to remain, they should weigh well the consequences. . . . Should the writ be granted delivering him for trial, and should resistance be made it will become the duty of Governor Kirkwood to order assistance to the point, and it will thus place him and many of his party and friends in an unpleasant position. Coppock should get out of the way as soon as possible—this is the sentiment of all—and thus save compromising any one, and more especially prevent blood being shed. I do not believe any one outside of Springdale would advise him to stay and they would not if they understood the consequences should arrest be attempted.
     Yours truly,
     "J. W. CATTELL."

In spite of advice and in defiance of Virginia officers, Coppock continued to remain about home. At times he was engaged in organizing "Union Leagues" and then he would disappear for a time. When the proper papers finally came the sheriff of this county was ordered by the governor to go to Springdale and make the arrest. So there he went in duty bound to seize the person named in the writ. He innocently enough asked every bystander if he had seen a young man named Barclay Coppock, adding that he came to arrest him and would be much obliged for information as to his whereabouts. He peeped into sheds and overturned boxes in his careful (?) search and finally after all these efforts returned the papers after certifying that no such person could be found after diligent search had been made. Then Virginia sent a special detective to Muscatine who offered fifty dollars to any one to secure the prisoner wanted. He finally ventured himself after being taunted on account of his failure. Coppock and Dr. Gill were walking leisurely along the streets of Springdale when the Virginian approached. Coppock recognized him, having seen him several times. He was for shooting him then and there, but Dr. Gill prevented him from so doing, thus averting another bloody tragedy. No attempt was made to arrest Coppock at this time and the officer returned to Muscatine. 266  

It was now thought best for Coppock to go to Canada until the public mind should quiet down. He finally consented to do this and accompanied by T. W. Maxson, now residing at Springdale, a son of Wm. Maxson, they crossed the county to Mechanicsville, took the C. & N. W. for Chicago and from there crossed into Canada by way of Detroit. They did not remain here but went into Ohio where they met the two sons of John Brown and two other friends. Here they remained for three weeks.

Afterward Coppock went east and was finally commissioned to recruit men for Montgomery's "John Brown Regiment," the 10th Kansas Infantry. On his return from Iowa a train passing through Missouri when the bridge over the Platte river had been partially destroyed by "bushwhackers" went down and Barclay Coppock was instantly killed. This occurred on the night of Sept. 3, 1861, and he was buried at Leavenworth, Kansas, with military honors on September 6th. Five years afterwards his aged mother made a pilgrimage to his grave, there to shed a mother's tears.

Poor Edwin Coppock met his fate bravely on Dec. 16, 1859, and his body was taken to Columbiana County, Ohio, for burial and the remains left in their first resting place only a short time when they were removed to Salem cemetery to be placed beside his father. A Salem paper of the time said: "The man whom Virginia branded as a traitor and murderer, the people of Salem have honored as a patriot and an honest man. Charlestown gave him the gallows, Salem will build him a monument and on that monument will be inscribed the vindication of his acts." 267  

"Charlestown Prison, Dec. 10, 1859.


"Old and Tried Friend,
"Dr. H. C. Gill:
      "I have just received your welcome letter, and I now proceed to answer it at once. Let me assure you that the letter did not fail to cheer the gloomy prison hours, within my lonely cell, as all letters from you have done. You who were the personal friend of my brother, and who administered to his wants in his last hours, and served as a comforter to him, are still true to duty. * * * Thos. Winn has been to see me, but has gone back to Richmond. He did not get in when he first came, the reason being, I suppose, that the commander-inchief did not think it prudent. I do not think, in my humble opinion, that there would have been much chance for him to rescue me, as there was at that time only fifteen hundred troops in town, and nine pieces of cannon, which were all drawn up to receive him. * * *


      "I suppose you have heard, ere this, of the execution of the captain. He came into Cook's and my room to bid us farewell on the morning of his execution. There have been some false reports of the interview between him and us. It has been stated that the lie passed between him and Cook, but it is false. He charged Cook with making some false statements in his confession, but Cook thought not. The captain then told him that he must have a treacherous memory; he then turned to me and said he had heard that I had made false statements, too, but was glad to learn that he had been misinformed. * * * Before leaving us he said he had a little change that would be of no value to him and he would give it to me. It was fifty cents he handed me.


      I did not wonder that he had heard I had made false statements since the papers are full of them. They undertook to report the remarks I made just before the sentence was passed in the court, but they got very little I said and many things I did not say. It stated that I said I had been induced to come into the affair by Captain Brown, but it was false—I did not say that I was induced by anyone. I notice in some of the papers that they are trying to make it appear that we are very much frightened, and have a great fear of death, but citizens and tenants of the prison will all testify that it is false.


      "Mrs. Spring of Egelswood, N. J., sent us five dollars to be divided among Copeland, Green and myself. * * * I received today an address read before a society in Columbiana County, Ohio, called for the purpose of sympathizing with Brown and his confederates, which I will send back along with Thomas (Winn). If it has not been published, I want it published along with some letters I will send that I have received while here. Thomas (Winn) expects to remain here until after the execution, and then by my request will convey my body to Springdale, (for) it is my wish to be laid by the side of my brother and sister (not his brother Barclay).


      "This is probably the last letter you will ever receive from me; my stay on earth is short; only six more short days, and then my race is finished. When you write to Barkley (his brother) tell him to keep dark, for I do not want Virginia to glut her vengeance on any more of our little band, who sought their country's good—who interposed in behalf of the four and one-half millions of (men) who are now groaning under the yoke of oppression.


      "I must now close. Give my love to all. Tell L. and C. I should have written to them had I time. I have many letters that will not be answered. I hope none will think hard. 268  


     Yours truly,
      "(Signed) EDWIN COPPOCK."

The letter following was received in answer to one of inquiry concerning Edwin Coppock's last letter. It contains some references to the facts of his life that have been found nowhere else and therefore is included:

      "Thy letter was sent to me as there is no Joseph Coppock here. I have a brother by that name who lives in Iowa and Edwin Coppock had a brother there until his death last winter.


      "We have the original letter written by his own hand to my father Joshua Coppock, who, when he received the letter, started in a very short time to see him before he was executed. He saw him with chains on and when my father came near he fell in his arms and wept. This was in the evening of the morning before the execution. My father asked Gov. Wise for his body, which request was granted and it was brought to Winona (Ohio) and buried in the Quaker graveyard here, but on account of the large reward offered for the body it was thought best to watch the grave, so it was done for nearly two weeks, when the body was taken up and placed in a vault in the cemetery at Salem, where a monument marks the spot.


      "I just want to say that the funeral was held on a Sabbath day and a throng of people began to come at nine o'clock and kept coming and going until four in the afternoon before the people could go to the cemetery.       "The letter is kept between glass and could not be sent, but I enclose a copy. * * * The name is Coppock not Coppoc as so often spelled.


      "(Signed) RACHEL G. COPE.
      "Winona, Ohio."

In the research for information on the John Brown history in Cedar County it was the fortune of the editor to secure the assistance of the former boys of that day, Jont Maxson and his brother, T. W. Maxson, both of them being willing to give of their time and information in any way, and they are deserving of the credit for a great many things in the chapter. Through the suggestion of T. W. Maxson the correspondence was begun that furnished the original matter from the only survivor of the fight at Ossawatomie in Kansas and also the winter at Springdale—Luke F. Parsons of Salina, Kansas. He has furnished the information concerning certain movements and certain feelings among the men who were quartered in this county in the winter of '57 and '58.

This man Parsons in speaking to the assembled people at the anniversary of the battle of Ossawatomie—the fiftieth—said of himself:

"I was born in Brookfield, Mass., June 28, 1833, therefore I am now in my 74th year." This was in 1906 so that Mr. Parsons is now at the time he writes these words for publication in his 78th year. He has complied cheerfully and has given considerable that has not appeared before. He says further: "I was reared in Northern Illinois on Rock River and came to Kansas the first day of May, 1856, together with four others, one of them my brother. All were pledged to stay until Kansas was admitted as a free state.


We landed from a Missouri river boat at the Westport landing, where Kansas City now stands, at that time only with a few dwellings and a few large warehouses along the river front; the town of Westport proper was four miles distant. The next day we walked to Lawrence. When I registered at the Free State Hotel I found that the clerk was my cousin, and when I ask him concerning the prospect for a job he replied that he was sick and wanted me to take his job until he was able to resume his duties.


"I was still in charge of the books when the hotel was ordered to be destroyed by order of the Federal Court. The hotel and the two printing houses, the 'Herald of Freedom' and the 'Lawrence Journal,' had been indicted as nuisances by the grand jury. The court ordered the sheriff to abate the nuisance.


"He procured a posse of four or five hundred men, mostly from Missouri, and they appeared on the top of Mt. Oread on the morning of May 21, 1856. Leaving a guard they descended to the town and ordered Colonel Eldridge to remove his furniture as they were going to destroy the building. Eldridge refused to remove a thing. The sheriff then ordered the men to remove it.


"They commenced but soon found the store below where there were liquors and provisions of all kinds. They soon became loud and boisterous. I took particular note of all I saw and heard. While going up to secure some pillow slips from some of the beds I met a man who said to me: 'Who are you?' I replied: 'I am a ranger.' 'All right,' he said.


"Going to the store room I began to fill my pillow cases with candy, nuts and raisins, etc., when a big ruffian addressed me: 'Who are you?' I replied: 'I am a ranger.' 'Well, what in h—l are you going to do with that stuff?' I replied: 'I will take it to the boys we left on Mt. Oread.' 'All right, my boy, take this, and this,' handing me two bottles of liquor.


"I passed out and delivered my two sacks of plunder to the women and children who had fled for safety to the other side of the ravine in the west part of town. When I returned they were trying to batter the walls down with cannon, but soon became tired of this and were too drunk to operate the cannon. So they kindled a fire in one corner and when the wood work burned out the walls fell in. The next day my brother said to me: 'Brother, I am going home; this is no place for me.' (The other three who came had been gone more than a week.) I said, 'to tell my mother that I was going to stay until Kansas was a free state.'


"On the morning of June 2, Major Hoit said to me: 'Parsons, Brown will likely have a battle with Henry Clay Pate today; let's go down there. I will hire the horses if you will go with me.' We were off in a few minutes and rode as fast as we could, but arrived in time to find the battle over. I tendered my services to Brown, who made me a guard over the prisoners, while the married men could go home. Many of them rode horses that they never rode before. I said to Lieut. Brocket as he lay in the grass, 'You had better let me have those spurs as you won't need them any more.' He said to me, 'You will have to take them off.' I took off one and then asked him where the other was when he answered: 'I go on the principle that if one side of the horse goes the other must; if you will adopt this plan, you won't need but one.'


"Colonel Sumner of the U. S. Dragoons soon came and released the prisoners.


"July third I went with the rifle company that was forming at Lawrence to Topeka to protect the free state legislature that was to convene there on the fourth. The legislature did convene in due form, but Colonel Sumner with the U. S. Dragoons, who was always present to do the bidding of a pro-slavery government, dispersed the gathering.


"Not long after this I went with Captain Sam Walker and others to meet the train of emigrants under Lane who had been refused landing at Kansas City or Leavenworth, and who came by way of Iowa and Nebraska. We met them at the Missouri and on the way up marked the fords and the road by tying red rags on the weeds and brush. Richard Realf and R. J. Hinton came with this train."


After numerous adventures of thrilling sort in the border warfare of the state, Mr. Parsons goes on to say that he met Brown in the latter part of August in the streets of Lawrence. Brown was then preparing for the Ossawatomie fight and said to him: "Parsons, I want you to go with me. I want all the men I can get." I had no gun and he borrowed a Sharpe's rifle from Captain Harvey, the same I believe who was afterward the governor of Kansas. I went with Brown to his camp at Middle Creek. On the morning of August 30, 1856, just fifty years ago today (1906) we were camped east of here (Ossawatomie) at Mr. Crane's place. While in camp here the news came of the killing of Fred Brown and Garrison, and Brown started right off saying: "Come on, men." Brown and I walked silently for sometime when he said to me: "Were you ever under fire?" Not catching his meaning, I replied: "No," when he said to me, "Take more pains to end life well than to live well."

To read the personal account of this man one must conclude that the fight was almost continuous during the year of 1856. It was in the fall of the next year that the events which follow took place.

In the fall of 1857 John E. Cook came to my cabin four miles west of Lawrence, Kansas, and said that John Brown had sent him for me; that he, Brown, was in Tabor, Iowa, and had sent him back after me. He had a scheme on foot that he knew I would approve, and he wanted me to help make it go. He said that Kagi, Realf, Stevens and Moffatt were there and all wanted Brown to send for me; he also mentioned others whom I did not then know. Brown had given him money to pay my way on the stage to Tabor. I left my claim and went with Cook, not knowing why or for what.


I had been with John Brown in 1856, was intimate with him then. I fought under him August 30, 1856, at Ossawatomie. He knew also that I was with Jim Lane at Frankiin, and Sam Walker at the capture of Colonel Titus. I had implicit confidence in Brown as a leader. I thought "if the other boys are with him I ought to be." Cook and I arrived at Tabor in due time and found Brown ready to start the next morning.


There were in camp there, as I now remember, John Brown, Owen Brown, J. H. Kagi, Richard Realf, Aaron D. Stevens, Charles Moffatt, C. P. Tidd, Richard Richardson, John E. Cook, William H. Leeman and myself. We had one mule team and a covered wagon, bedding and provisions. Most of us walked most of the time. We camped out, made a big log fire, and our tent was opened on the side to the fire sloping back to the ground. We slept with our feet to the fire and were not uncomfortable. Brown seemed to take it as a matter of course that I had enlisted, and I made no remonstrance. One day while walking together he told all he thought I cared to known. I found that most of the boys knew even less. Kagi knew all and he posted me. Kagi was Brown's confidant, and they often consulted together. He was next to Brown in all things and the smartest of the lot.


Brown's plans at this time, as revealed to me by Brown and Kagi, was to drill and prepare us for captains of squads or companies. On arriving at Springdale, Cedar County, Iowa (a Quaker settlement), Brown took us to the farm house of Wm. Maxson, where we were to be quartered during the winter.


Maxsons had a large family of their own, and from this time on until we left Mrs. Maxson and daughter Louisa had a strenuous time.


Brown had employed an Englishman by the name of Hugh Forbes to be our drill master and instructor. I never saw Forbes, for some reason he never showed up. Aaron D. Stevens, who had been a soldier in the war with Mexico, became our drill master. We drilled military style (Scott's tactics), twice each day, studied army regulations, and read books on insurrectionary or guerrilla war by some Italian patriots, I think, Orsinna and Massinna. For recreation Kagi organized a mock legislature.


Soon the neighborhood was aroused with curiosity to see the strange doings of the men from Kansas. We kept our own secrets and the curious went away as wise as they came; but they must certainly have seen that those ten men were preparing to be heard from in the near future.


Cook, Realf, and sometimes Kagi, spoke by appointment at the various school houses in the neighborhood. Brown told me one day that Mr. Painter said to him, "Friend Brown, I can't give thee money to buy powder and lead with, but I will give thee twenty dollars to defray thy expenses."


Brown spent most of this winter in the East. He kept up a correspondence with Kagi; Owen often heard from him also. I was ordered by Brown through Kagi to examine and oil if needed the arms that were boxed and stored in a barn. I found something like seventy-five Sharpe's rifles, and six hundred pistols, mostly of a Massachusetts manufacture, I think Chicopee Falls.


Thus the winter passed quickly by, and Kagi announced that Brown would soon be here to take us to Canada to a convention to be held at Chatham. I took Kagi to Byron, Ill. (my home), where we visited for a week or two, till Brown came with the rest of the boys, when we went with them. The convention at Chatham was called Brown's Provisional Constitutional Convention, and was largely attended, many of those present being colored men of education and influence.


A constitution was formed and signed by all the men who went there with Brown, and many others. At this convention officers of this new government were elected. I think Kagi was made secretary of state, Geo. B. Gill (who had come from Iowa with Brown) was also elected to some office.


Soon after the convention we crossed Lake Erie to Cleveland, Ohio. Kagi was left in Canada to have the procedings of the convention printed. At Cleveland Brown expected to find money to carry out his plans, but found there was no money in the banks for him.


Brown's plan then was to enter the mountains in Virginia, near Harper's Ferry, get the arms and ammunition in there (pretending to the people if necessary that we were geologists), fortify strong natural positions where a few resolute men could hold their position against a force till aided by concentration; to send colored men from Canada down among the slaves to tell them that there were white men in the vicinity prepared to help them on to Canada; to, in fact, open a thoroughfare from Virginia to Canada. We were not expected to fight except in self defense; to arm the slaves and help them to defend themselves.


The pikes found at the Canada farm were formed like a dirk knife taken from Henry Clay Pate, a Virginia "border ruffian," captured by Brown in Kansas. It was two edged, straight, the blade was six or eight inches long. Brown had them made with a socket so they could be fastened on a pole like a fork handle. These were intended for the slave women to defend themselves in some mountain fastness till they could be further assisted.


Brown returned in a few days saying that everything was declared off for one year; that Hugh Forbes had informed the secretary of war what was going on; that we were watched and would be arrested as soon as we entered Virginia. He had no money with which to care for us, we must look out for ourselves for one year, and, if things quieted down, then the money would be forthcoming next spring. He thought we ought to be willing to do this. He said, "Scatter out, get work, but keep in touch with each other so we can easily get together in the spring." Realf asked Brown's sanction to go to New York City, find Hugh Forbes and assassinate him, but Brown would not countenance this for a moment. Realf said, "He is an Englishman, and I can kill that Englishman just as readily as a dog." Realf went back to England.


Kagi had not yet returned from Canada. Moffatt had a married sister in Cleveland, but he soon drifted back to Iowa. George B. Gill returned to Iowa. John E. Cook went to New York City where he had relatives, and later went to Harper's Ferry, taught school, and married there. Richard Richardson was a Missouri slave and was left in Canada. Owen Brown went home. William Leeman worked in an oar factory in Cleveland. I worked for Wm. B. Gorton at Kinsman, Ohio, in his carriage shop.


After some months I found that Brown, Kagi, Stevens and Tidd were in Kansas keeping up the racket. I wrote to Brown and asked him why he took care of part of the crowd and left the rest of us to shift for ourselves. He replied, "You have a good trade and can take care of yourself anywhere; Kagi is supporting himself by his pen, as to Stevens and Tidd, they had to be cared for. Hope you will keep in correspondence with the rest of the boys. Think all will be well in the spring." I was mad and did not reply.


Soon after I went to Byron, Ill. During that winter, with four others, I fitted out with oxen and a covered wagon and, early in the spring of 1859, crossed the state of Iowa on the way to Pike's Peak gold fields. When at Council Bluffs waiting for grass to grow on the plains, I got letters from Brown and Kagi saying they had been to my home in Byron, "that I must surely turn back, sure go, we depend on you, etc., etc." I also got a letter from mother saying, "You have fooled away time and money enough with Brown, keep on to Pike's Peak. Brown will come to some bad end, and then you and I will be glad you are out of it." So I kept on and thereby slipped my neck out of the halter.


Owen Brown escaped from Harper's Ferry with Tidd, and went to his home in York state. Years after he went to California and settled on a mountain near Pasadena. Here he lived the life of a hermit till he died about ten years ago. 268  


"On fame's eternal camping ground,
Their silent tents are spread,
And glory guards with solemn round
The bivouac of the dead."


Charles Plummer Tidd was from Maine. I know nothing of his previous history. After the separation at Cleveland he came back to Kansas with Brown, Kagi, and Stevens. At the attack on Harper's Ferry he and Owen Brown were driving a team to haul arms from the Canada Farm, and when they met armed resistance they escaped. During the Civil War Tidd was under Burnside; he was color sergeant of his regiment and, as he planted his colors on the ramparts at the Island of Roanoke, he fell mortally wounded.


Aaron D. Stevens was born in Connecticut. He was a little more than medium height, of florid complexion, had dark auburn hair, small dark eyes, high cheek bones, wide forehead, round face, had a heavy, strong jaw, thin,closed lips and a small chin. He was a man of strong passions, just the man to do and dare. He could lead a forlorn hope. His education was neglected." While a young man unrequited love drove him from his home. He wandered for miles and then to hide himself completely from the world he joined the regular army. It was the time of the war with Mexico and he was taken to Mexico.


One night he with some other soldiers attended a Mexican "fandango," or dance. They were late in getting to camp and were captured by the guard. At guard mount the officer was so insulting that Stevens knocked him down. Such conduct in the regular army is a very serious offence. He was arrested and a chain fastened around his ankle with a heavy iron ball attached. He was brought to Fort Leavenworth, tried by court martial, convicted, and sentenced to wear a ball and chain for a term of years.


During the winter of 1855 he, with a soldier who was also wearing a ball and chain, were taken out into the timber to cut wood with one soldier to guard them. While warming around the fire they snatched the gun from the soldier and made him stand and watch them chop the chains off each other. They then crossed the Missouri river on the ice, but in a day or two recrossed and hired to a Delaware Indian to cut cord wood.


In the spring of 1856 he went to Topeka and assumed the name of C. C. Whipple. Here I first met him. He was captain of a company who went up to the Missouri river to meet Lane's train. He was conspicuous in the Free State movement in that part of the state. In the fall of 1857 I again met him in Brown's camp at Tabor, Iowa. He went with us to Springdale, Iowa, and drilled the Brown men; went to Chatham, Canada, and to Cleveland, Ohio. He returned to Kansas with Brown, Kagi, and Tidd in the spring of 1858.


During this summer he went with Brown on several raids into Missouri after slaves which were eventually taken to Canada. On one occasion Brown divided his force, telling Stevens to take Tidd and go with some of the slaves to Cruise's plantation, while he, Kagi, and the other slaves went to another farm. Stevens knocked on the door, and Cruise said, "Who is there, and what do you want?" Stevens said, "We are from Jackson County going down to Ft. Scott. Old Brown is going to burn the town; they want help; we want you to go with us." Cruise said, "All right," and opened the door, then still in his night shirt proceeded to light a candle.


Then Stevens said, "We are Brown's men and have come after your slaves." Cruise sprang like a tiger at Stevens, got him by the throat, and commenced backing him up in a corner, all the time growling with rage. He called to his wife to bring him his revolver. Stevens tried to quiet him, told him he would not be hurt, all he wanted was the slaves, but Cruise was crazy mad and after his wife handed him the revolver Stevens shot him. Then they told the slaves to take a team and wagon, provisions, and all their own plunder, and moved off and joined Brown with a lot more slaves.


When Brown was told about the death of Cruise he was very much worked up over it. He accused Stevens of being too hot headed. Tidd told Brown that he had to do it or be killed himself as Cruise's wife had given him his revolver. Brown said to Tidd, "What were you doing? Were you afraid of a woman in her night-gown?" Stevens and Tidd were very angry at Brown's rebuke, and but for Kagi's good judgment and timely talk, both to Brown and Stevens, there would have been an open rupture right there. The next year in the attack on Harper's Ferry Stevens was terribly wounded, taken prisoner, tried for treason, convicted, and hung.


Richard Realf was an Englishman by birth and came to Kansas in the summer of 1856 as a newspaper correspondent. He was small of stature, with dark complexion, black hair and eyes. He was a man of considerable culture; had a good education. He was always neatly clad and would make a good impression anywhere. He was reared and educated by Lady Noel Byron, widow of Lord Byron, the great poet. Realf himself was a poetical genius. Realf and R. J. Hinton were great friends; both were English, both were newspaper correspondents, both were small men (Hinton the smaller of the two); both made headquarters at the "Herald of Freedom" office in Lawrence. G. W. Brown was the proprietor of the Herald of Freedom.


The office was reached by a flight of stairs on the outside of the building. Hinton and Brown got into a controversy, and Brown, who was a large man, took Hinton by the coat collar, dragged him to the head of the stairs and dropped him. Realf took this as personal and challenged Brown to fight a duel. Brown accepted the challenge and chose rawhides as the weapons. The seconds were chosen and they arranged to fight at eight o'clock at "Delaware reserve," just across the river from Lawrence. Realf was on hand first, but Brown was on time. Brown sent his second to Realf's second saying he must not strike above the belt. Realf's man replied, "All arrangements have been made; we are here to fight; are you ready?" Brown and his man took to their boat and returned. Realf went to Canada and then to Cleveland with us, from here he went to New York and then back to England; he returned in time to serve in the Union army during the Rebellion. He married, but domestic troubles drove him mad. He jumped off a vessel in San Francisco harbor and was drowned.


John Edwin Cook was from New York City, a lawyer by profession. He was a regular blonde, small of stature, round shouldered; he was nervy and possessed of great physical endurance. He had a good education, was a ready writer; he often wrote rhymes, or jingle, and perhaps poetry. He was a good conversationalist and seemed to take well with the ladies. He had wealthy relatives and seemed to have money when he wanted it. He wore two large Colt's revolvers, one on either side, with John E. Cook engraved on the handles. He loved to shoot them, and often challenged his friends to shoot with him. He spent the winter of 1857 and spring of '58 in Springdale with the rest of the Brown men.


After the Virginia expedition disbanded in Cleveland, in 1858, Cook went to New York, but, thinking to help out Brown's plans and be on, hand in good time for the next spring, he went to Harper's Ferry, taught school, and married there. He made the acquaintance of the Washington family, who are the descendants of George Washington, "the Father of his Country." They were possessed of certain family keepsakes in the shape of Revolutionary arms, the identical sword worn by Gen. George Washington, guns, pistols, etc. Cook was very much interested in these things, and when Brown moved on to the Canada Farm, near Harper's Ferry, Cook posted Brown in regard to these arms. So when the attack was finally made Brown had Mr. Washington brought in and held as a hostage, while he girded on the sword of Yorktown. Cook was put on the outside to guard some road leading to the Ferry, and when he thought that all hope had fled he made good his escape, but, owing to his own indiscretion, he was captured and the engraving on his arms gave him away. Cook's relatives in New York made a desperate effort to save him. They secured the services of Gov. Willard of Indiana who was a good democrat. He went to Gov. Wise of Virginia and tried to get a pardon for Cook. He promised that Cook should make a confession, which was hoped would implicate many rich New England philanthropists. Cook did make what was called a confession, but he didn't know much to confess, or was careful not to implicate any within their reach. Gov. Wise was obdurate, and Cook had to share the fate of his captain.


John H. Kagi was the most intellectual of Brown's men. He was tall and slender, slightly stoop-shouldered, with dark complexion, long face and high forehead. He was untidy and careless in dress. Born at Bristol, Ohio, his mother died when he was four years old. He was taken to his uncle in Virginia near Harper's Ferry, where he grew to manhood. His uncle was a slave owner and had a son near John Kagi's age. The two boys imbibed abolition views. They assisted one of the slaves to run off. When the uncle found out the situation he ordered John to leave and never return. John left, but, by previous arrangement, the cousin soon followed with some of his father's money.


After a time they found themselves "dead broke" in Charleston, S. C. The cousin wrote to his father for money to come home with. The father sent the money with the injunction, "Don't you bring John home with you." The cousin started for home, but first divided the money with John. Kagi then went to Tennessee, where he taught school. Here the large girls had the habit of chewing snuff, or rubbing snuff as it is sometimes called. Kagi thought to break up this aristocratic practice, so he put a box in the middle of the room and made the girls go there to spit. The school board would not stand for this, so they discharged Kagi. He next went to Washington, D. C., where he got a position to report speeches for the "National Era." He was the only Phonetic, or short-hand reporter, in Washington who could report C. C. Burley's speeches verbatim.


In the spring of 1856 he came to Kansas as special correspondent for the National Era. Judge Ellmore was holding court in Tecumseh and Kagi wrote something about him that he took exception to, so when he met Kagi he asked him if he reported for the National Era over the signature of "K." Kagi told him that he did; then Ellmore struck him with a heavy hickory cane on the side of his head which cracked his skull for four inches. Kagi staggered a few feet to a pile of brick, then, steadying himself with his left hand on the brick, he fired at Ellmore, the ball taking effect in the thigh; then Ellmore got behind a brick column of the court house and fired three shots at Kagi, one shot striking him in the breast, but it did not pass through a diary and several letters; then both men fell, Ellmore from loss of blood and Kagi from the shock to his brain.


The pro-slavery men gathered around Ellmore, and the free state men around Kagi. For a time it looked as if more blood would be shed. As soon as Kagi came to he was taken to Lawrence, and when they got the blood stopped on Ellmore they began to cool off. Kagi was a leader among the Brown boys in Iowa. He wrote for some eastern paper, and delivered several lectures in the neighborhood. He went with the expedition to Harper's Ferry and, at the time of the attack, was second in command. He had Wm. Leeman with him in the armory. They escaped from the armory by swimming out to some rocks in the Shenandoah river below the bridge. Here they were shot by men on the bridge.


As to John Brown what can I say that has not already been said a hundred times, for he has been the theme of newspaper writers for the last fifty years. To me his pictures, with which we are all familiar, look very like him, either with full beard or smooth shaven. He was tall and slender, round shouldered, with light complexion, sharp gray eyes that saw everything about him. He had a prominent chin and aquiline nose. His head was high above the ears. His favorite posture was standing with his hands clasped behind him under his coat. He was a man of few words, but was a good listener. He said the Lord had created him to be the deliverer of the slave from bondage, the same as he did Moses to free the children of Israel. As all know, he died upon the scaffold at Charleston, but the end for which he freely gave his„ life was accomplished. His soul went marching on to Appomattox. 269  


It has been stated that the song of "John Brown's body lies mouldering in the grave" was written and sung first in this county. That the author was a teacher formerly of this county in Springdale Township, but this is not true as to the song mentioned270  


How this impression obtained is very evident from the song quoted below which was published in January, 1860, and which is due to the writer referred to above whose name was Sallie Bonsall.

"LINES ON THE DEATH OF JOHN BROWN."
AIR—MIDNIGHT HOUR

"O, Hark! a peal has rent the air,
And bids, in shame, our nation quake,
The very sky seems crying there
And doth almost shake."

CHORUS

"But mourn no more for the good old man,
So brave and bold in freedom's light,
For Angels welcome to the throne
Few hearts more truly right.

"We've sung the song of martyrs oft,
Of noble ones who died to save,
And now we praise the name of Brown,
Who died for bleeding slave.

"His death the noblest death to die—
A martyr to God's suffering poor;
And willingly that strong old heart,
Did much of wrong endure."

"His silvery locks so white with age,
His bended form of courage too;
The old man on his way to death,
Sees nature's beauty too.

"Behold him on the scaffold stand,
How firmly he has borne the test,
How truly calm and how reposed,
His peaceful soul at rest." 271

The song known as the one sung by the soldiers during the civil war was written by Edna Dean Proctor and it was published in the "Independent" for January 15, 1863, two years after the one suggested above and is quite different in the original from the manner in which it was sung.

The first lines of that song run as follows:

"John Brown died on a scaffold for the slave;
Dark was the hour when we dug his hallowed grave;
Now God avenges the life he gladly gave,
Freedom reigns today!
Glory, glory hallelujah, etc."

From the last stanza one line was taken that has furnished the repetition for the song which we have been accustomed to associate with the name of Brown and it reads as follows:

"John Brown's body lies mouldering in the grave;
John Brown's body lives in triumph of the brave;
John Brown's soul not a higher joy can crave;
Freedom reigns today!
Glory, glory hallelujah, etc."

The complete song is published again in the Independent for July 7 of the present year. This should settle the discussion as to the authorship of this song and also explain how, the two might be confused. 272  

On Saturday, June 18, 1898, there was an assemblage at the famous old Maxson homestead in Iowa Township, of the surviving friends of "Old John Brown." In 1839 William Maxson and Ebenezer Gray, of Harrison County, Ohio, came with their families to the then newly-organized territory of Iowa. The public lands were not yet in market and these two young men who had married sisters, had almost the whole of Iowa to choose from in selecting their future homes.

They came by river from Ohio, landing at Bloomington (Muscatine) as so many others did. Leaving their families in a log cabin on Muscatine Island they journeyed with team to explore the prairies. After two days journey they camped on a beautiful woodland on sloping down toward the Cedar River, in what is now Iowa Township, Cedar County. Here they staked out claims. They felled trees for homes and erected log cabins and prepared to clear up some of the land for farming. In the fall the families were moved here. They were remote from other settlers being the first in this part of the county. Wm. Maxson was a man of great decision of character who formed his own opinions on all subjects regardless of public opinion. At that early day in the history of the anti-slavery movement he was a radical abolitionist. Then and for many years after such doctrine was little short of anarchistic. But he held firmly to his beliefs and his home was open to slaves escaping from bondage.

He became a prosperous farmer and in time erected a gravel or grout house constructed of stone, gravel, sand and lime in properly proportioned amounts, which formed a wall almost indestructible. For that early day this house was one of the most commodious and well furnished in all that region of the country. By this time the farm was widely known as one of the best and safest stations on the underground railroad extending across the county. (Elsewhere the basement of this house is described as a refuge for colored guests.)

This house, remote from any thoroughfare, was a suitable place for the gathering of forces and preparing for the events discussed in the previous pages.

"All Quakers were known to be foes of American slavery. Yet they could not agree with Brown in his doctrine of 'an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth' and his belief that rifles and revolvers were the proper means to secure direct results. Wm. Maxson, while of Quaker ancestry, had his own views, not exactly in harmony with these Quaker principles. He had unlimited confidence in the old patriarch and opened his house to him."


"As I mingled today with the surviving friends of John Brown on ground made sacred by the tread of the feet of martyrs forty years ago (1898) I heard the recital of their recollections of the little band who here prepared for the tragic enterprise that was to shake slavery's hold and leave a permanent record upon all American history and this particular portion of Cedar County. There was not a disreputable character in the little company quartered in the Maxson house. They enlisted from the purest motives. They may have erred in the means adopted, but when men give their lives for humanity criticism is disarmed."


"The reunion at the old Maxson house was planned and carried out by the sons and daughters of Wm. Maxson and Ebenezer Gray. Jonathan Maxson (now residing in West Liberty, 1910) directed the interesting exercises. The Maxsons and Grays were visible everywhere and better representatives of the best citizens of Iowa can nowhere be found."


"The exercises were held in front of the old Maxson house among the great cedars planted by its builder nearly fifty (1898) years ago. The stars and stripes waved above us; portraits of old John Brown, Wm. Maxson, Edwin and Barclay Coppock looked down on us from the trees; on the table were the Sharp's rifle and revolver carried by Coppock in the Harper's Ferry campaign."


"The address of welcome by Thad Maxson, Edwin Coppock's friend and schoolmate, was eloquent and pathetic. One of the most touching of all the tributes of the day was a poem dedicated to the old Maxson home, written and read by the wife of Thad Maxson:" 273


THE OLD GRAVEL HOUSE.


"Old House! we're standing in thy shade,
Thou structure gray and fading,
In memory of a bygone time,
A day long since receding.


"The skies above are blue and fair,
And nature still renews her glory,
But thou, lone relic of the past,
Must soon live but in story.


"Full threescore years have come and gone
And sun arose and set,
Since first the ground thou standest on,
The foot of man had met.


"But not as now were smiling lands,
Nor nature lavish of her blessings,
Through weary years with toilsome hands
They came to their possessions.


"And thou, old house, that reared thy front
A mansion in thy day,
Rose on the fanes of cabin home,
The early settlers' stay.


"And loved have come and loved have gone,
And passing left a sting.


"They sleep, still looking toward the West,
Beneath the deep woods shadow,
As if they still would see the sun
Sink down on wave and meadow.


"But through each change of time and scene,
Though human life be brief,
New dreams will grow and memories come
To take the place of grief.


"For still thy portals open swing
To welcome friendships bright,
The lone and cheerless wanderer
At evening blessed thy light.


"And still thy days rolled on and on,
Till bondman at thy gate
Besought the help and sympathy,
Denied, alas! by state.


"A hero with his God-sent band,
Unheeding threats or frowns,
Across thy threshold planned and wrought
And gained a martyr's crown.


"And thou, old house, that in thy prime,
Saw freedom's dawning day,
No fears of clanking chains and strife,
Shall mock at thy decay.


"Old house! We're standing in thy shade,
That shadow made sublime,
Through solemn years and memories,
Of strange and wondrous times." 274




Springdale is a little country village away from railroads and the world of business. Its beautiful homes are quiet retreats from turmoil of money making, political strife and daily papers (1898). Here the peaceful Quakers live in repose and amid plenty with but few more houses than I saw there forty-six years ago in crossing the great unsettled prairies that then reached almost continuously from the old Rochester ferry to Iowa City, then a state capital largely of log houses. 275  


In 1865 the old Maxson homestead was sold and Mr. Wm. Maxson retired to West Liberty where he spent the remainder of his days a much esteemed citizen until his death in 1877 at the age of seventy one.


The home of the Brown's men in Cedar County is now fast disappearing. The relic hunter is making sad havoc of what remains, and this coupled with cares of business found in all communities will soon leave no trace of what happened in the trying times of slavery days when this region was constantly alert to what might lead to a tragedy. The "old gravel house" no longer belongs to the Maxsons for the homestead has passed into other hands. Hidden in the rear of the present farm house, surrounded by traces of those other days filled with farm machinery or grain, it still does service, although held together in places with iron rods to prevent collapse. The old house yet suffers when some visitor from far away is determined to carry off an entire window casing to make for himself a cane. The choicest of black walnut was used to finish the windows and doors and these casings furnish the best of souvenirs for those who deem such things essential to their happiness.


When this house was built the heavy timbers from the woods were hewn out sufficiently large to make supports for them unnecessary when they were placed in the foundation. These are best seen from the cellar when it is written that the colored man kept concealed when emergencies arose. Here is the old fire place, but the door leading out on the west end has been closed with a wall. One must go down through the trap door under the stairway and take a lantern in order to see. No longer is this cellar hospitable. It is damp and full of rubbish. One would not regard it as a safe place now from any danger. No locks now are necessary, no one cares to break in or out.


It is possible to imagine the meetings of the followers of John Brown held in the west room and to imagine also the work that must have been required in the large kitchen, now torn down, and altogether it is sorrowful to contemplate the old ruin after reading and hearing of the times in which it was the center of national interest. Standing in the front door one may see at the right hand some roses, if in June, long since put there and still giving out their portion of the good things of earth in silent approval of the kind acts of those who put them there. The old house has done its share in protecting those who built it and in defending the helpless. It has served its day as home and now does humble duty as a shelter for inanimate things. To the distant comer, to the one seeking a place that goes down in history for all times, it is a solemn place, but to the local interest it is a mere passing event.


But this is always true. It is true of Plymouth, and Lexington, and Concord as well. Long acquaintance with events and places makes them common. To the younger generation these things are not generally familiar even in our own county. They do not realize the meaning of what occurred here and it would not be out of place to use some special effort to preserve the past in this particular since so long as history is written we must have some direct connection with national affairs. The picture gives a very fair impression of the old house as it fronts the south on the driveway of the old homestead formerly the early possession of Wm. Maxson.